CONTRA EL PINGALISMO CASTRISTA/ "Se que no existe el consuelo que no existe la anhelada tierrra de mis suenos ni la desgarrada vision de nuestros heroes. Pero te seguimos buscando, patria,..." - Reinaldo Arenas

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miércoles, noviembre 06, 2013

Ichikawa >> La lectura de la noticia y la tendencia de lo Real

a pesar de todo, lo que "es" es lo que se "percibe" y no lo que "es".
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Emilio Ichikawa
historiaaguasdelacanada.blogspot.com
El día que se supo que la entrevista de Yoani al Presidente Obama estuvo amañada, mucha gente pensó que la bloguera jamás recuperaría su popularidad periodística. Sin embargo, no solo el hecho fue desconsiderado automáticamente por sus partidarios, sino que muchos de sus críticos le restaron importancia con el paso de los días.
Algo parecido sucedió la mañana en que se reportó que un barco norcoreano había sido detenido en Panamá y se le habían encontrado, bajo unos sacos de azúcar prieta, misiles (de propiedad cubana) de largo alcance. Parecía una evidencia capaz de abortar el intercambio cultural e invertir la votación sobre el bloqueo/embargo en la ONU. Pero ya en la tarde el hecho empezaba a relativizarse y hoy apenas se habla de eso. Y cada vez que resurge, cada intérprete sabe que el evento no va detener el vuelo de las brujas.
En el mismo sentido, como muchos recordarán, en el exilio/emigración cubano de Miami la figura de Fidel Castro era tenida como una suerte de representación del Mal. A sublíderes castristas como Guevara y Cienfuegos se le llegaban a reconocer méritos si se trataba de una comparación con Fidel Castro. El ex preso político Roberto Martín Pérez, por ejemplo, llegó a llamar “santa” a Celia (Sánchez, no Cruz) porque tal gratitud dotaba de una coartada de objetividad a su versión rebajadora de Fidel Castro. Y el ex analista de la CIA Brian Latell alcanzó a decirle al periodista Oscar Haza que aún cuando ambos fueran capaces de sacar tanques de guerra a las calles de Cuba contra el pueblo, los tanques de Raúl serían más benévolos que los de su hermano Fidel.
Sin embargo, hasta en el mismo Miami las críticas a Fidel Castro prácticamente han desaparecido. En teatro no se le ridiculiza, ni se le imita en la TV con el tino con que en un tiempo lo hicieron Roblán, Gilberto o Calderón. Y los caricaturistas con que hoy cuenta El Nuevo Herald y Radio Mambí, cuando excepcionalmente dibujan a Fidel Castro lo hacen con una calidad tan pésima que no me queda otra alternativa que pensar que chapucean intencionalmente para expresar su tedio.
Total: Si Fidel Castro fue en un tiempo un vigoroso símbolo de la Maldad en el imaginario miamense, ya no lo es. Es un código exhausto.
El cubano es listo, y ha llegado a desarrollar una original imaginación política que permite lecturas simultáneas de cada noticia en el sentido del castrismo y el anticastrismo. Eso garantiza, peligrosamente, la dilatación en el tiempo del debate ideológico sobre la cubanidad. Una querella donde usualmente no se investiga ni se aporta datos, sino donde se suele desparramar una opinión o “doxa” a secas.
Continuar leyendo en eichikawa >>
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sábado, octubre 19, 2013

Yoani Sanchez: El periodico digital NO SERA ANTICASTRISTA

rafa dominguez

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viernes, agosto 16, 2013

Ecuador: más vigilancia sobre medios

Giselle Jacome - Quito, Ecuador
El gobierno de Ecuador anunció la creación de un Laboratorio de Comunicación y Derechos, que tendrá como objetivos fundamental detectar  y prevenir los mensajes que induzcan a la violencia, discriminación o racismo en los medios de comunicación con la finalidad de proteger los derechos humanos.

El organismo controlará las noticias y publicidad que se difundan en los medios y publicará informes semanales y mensuales que serán discutidos a través de un blog.

La iniciativa fue propuesta por la concejal Marcela Miranda, representante del Consejo de Participación Ciudadana y Control Social y forma parte de las disposiciones de la nueva Ley Orgánica de Comunicación que fue publicada el pasado 25 de junio.

La nueva ley ha generado varias críticas desde los medios que se consideran libres y democráticos.

Cesar Ricaurte de Fundamedios, que el estado está proponiendo una vigilancia sobre los ciudadanos, cuando en realidad “son más bien los ciudadanos los que tenemos que vigilar al Estado y no el Estado vigilar a los ciudadanos. Esta es la gran diferencia entre un Estado realmente democrático y un Estado autoritario o incluso totalitario”.

La Superintendencia de Telecomunicaciones informó también que las frecuencias que no estén siendo usadas por sus concesionarios deberán ser devueltas al estado.

Tras la promulgación de la nueva ley Orgánica de Comunicación el pasado 25 de junio, las estaciones radiales y de televisión tenían 30 días para declarar de manera juramentada la actividad que realizan con sus frecuencias. El superintendente subrogante del este organismo Claudio Rosas mencionó que 777 concesionarios ya lo han hecho.

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viernes, agosto 09, 2013

Antunez en conversatorio con el board del Herald



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Top 10 Questions Journalists Won't Ask President Obama at Press Conference

President Barack Obama rarely makes himself available to the mainstream media. They adore him anyway. At rare press conferences, such as the one scheduled for noon Friday at the White House, they lob softball questions or accept his evasive, meandering answers, rarely pressing him for clarity, much less truth. But there are many questions that the president ought to answer, yet which he is unlikely to face at all.

10. In 2008 you promised not to "do an end-run around Congress" with signing statements. Yet you have used signing statements and you have taken executive actions to circumvent Congress on immigration and other issues. Recently, you decided the employer mandate will not be enforced on October 1. Yet that date is stipulated by law. Doesn't the Obamacare delay violate your powers under the Constitution?
9. Last week we learned that dozens of CIA personnel were in Benghazi at the time of the attack, and that there may be ongoing efforts to suppress information about what actually happened. In October 2012, you said that you issued three directives when you learned of the attack, yet these have never been seen. What did you actually do during the Benghazi attack, and why weren't you more actively involved?
8. Last month, IRS officials testified to Congress that IRS Chief Counsel William J. Wilkins, whom you appointed, was directly involved in reviewing applications for non-profit status by Tea Party groups. He also met with you in April 2012, prior to issuing new "Be on the Lookout" (BOLO) criteria for evaluating such applications. What was your personal knowledge of the IRS scrutiny of conservative groups?
7. Recently your administration launched a new round of peace negotiations between Israel and Palestinian leaders. Israel had repeatedly said that it would negotiate without preconditions, but Palestinian leaders would not. Your administration, through Secretary of State John Kerry, pressed Israel to release 104 terrorists from Israeli jails. Was there a single new concession you demanded from Palestinians?
6. You have publicly dressed down the U.S. military on the issue of sexual assault. In the 2012 campaign, you were very involved in specific controversies, even calling Sandra Fluke, for example. Yet you have refused to say anything about the conduct of a fellow Democrat, Mayor Bob Filner of San Diego, who refuses to resign. Aren't you setting a bad example on sexual assault, as commander-in-chief, in the Filner case?
5. Edward Snowden has continued to reveal new information about the National Security Agency's abilities to gather information about Americans' private communications. Leaving aside the question of whether the government should have that power, or whether you have broken past promises on civil liberties, the fact that these leaks happened at all is striking. Why is Gen. Keith Alexander still the head of the NSA?
4. Recently you announced that you were canceling a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, over the Snowden issue and gay rights. Yet last month, even after Putin indicated he might offer Snowden asylum, you were still offering drastic cuts in America's nuclear arsenal. It looks like the "reset" with Russia is a failure, after so many concessions. Isn't it time to stop offering new cuts to U.S. nuclear weapons?
3. You are backing the Senate immigration bill, which passed because Democrats agreed to include border security measures. Regardless of whether those measures are sufficient, they depend on a commitment to enforce the law as written. Yet you have refused to enforce existing immigration laws, even imposing a so-called "Dream Act" by fiat. Why should Americans trust you to enforce a new immigration law?
2. You campaigned on the promise to fight the Taliban in Afghanistan. Yet you have helped the Taliban open a new office in Qatar, complicating relations with President Hamid Karzai, and recently suggested that there could be a "zero option" in Afghanistan. Meanwhile, as the U.S. withdraws, Al Qaeda is on the offensive across the region, and might return. Are we not repeating the mistakes of the past in Afghanistan?
1. You are about to head into a new round of budget negotiations. Some Republicans leaders have suggested that they are willing to offer concessions on the budget sequester if you commit to entitlement reform. You have spoken in theory about making some cuts but have never presented a plan, on paper, and have rejected all suggestions, even the Simpson-Bowles commission. Where is your plan to reform entitlements?
Bonus question: Last month, you spoke at length about how the African-American community views the death of Trayvon Martin case. You also asked people to respect the decision of the jury. Yet your Department of Justice is still aggressively investigating George Zimmerman, who is living in hiding, though all previous investigations showed no racial bias. Aren't you violating Zimmerman's civil rights?

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sábado, julio 13, 2013

Cuando la gente se asusta: LAS CRÍTICAS A PUIG

puig esta
Por Andrés Pascual
Voy a “bosquejar” el asunto otra vez: los países de la región que gozan del saludable convenio con el Beisbol Organizado gracias a las relaciones que establecieron la pelota cubana y las Grandes Ligas, han mantenido y ampliado esa relaciones porque son ejecutores de un robo en carácter de cómplices, sencillamente, disfrutan de un beneficio laboral americano exagerado porque la tiranía cubana descabezó el profesionalismo:

industriales logo
¿Se ha puesto a pensar alguien en cuántos peloteros boricuas, mexicanos, dominicanos o venezolanos hubiera en este país si el castrismo no destruye “la niña de los ojos del beisbol caribeño”? cuando digo “en este país” hablo de Ligas Menores y de Grandes Ligas. Foto latinos All Stars en 1965, 4 cubanos: Oliva, Rojas, Cárdenas y Versalles, resto: Clemente y Moret, Puerto Rico, Marichal, dominicana y Vic Davalillo, Venezuela:
oliva cardenas versalles all star 1966
Hasta hoy, ningún grupo nacional de la Confederación ha tenido ni el valor ni las posibilidades de acoger a un club del Beisbol Organizado con el éxito cubano previo al castrismo por medio de los Havana Cubans y de los Cubans Sugar Kings, ni intentos, aunque Puerto Rico hizo un breve acto, demostrativo de la incapacidad de sus magnates para tan grande empeño, cuando solicitó la sede que perdieron los Azucareros antes de reasentarlos en Jacksonville y en menos de 90 días soltaron “el hierro candente”:
havana cubans
Con la franquicia de Liga Grande nadie ha soñado, aquel “UN PASO MÁS Y LLEGAMOS” solo podía bailarse al son de la conga de PAPÁ BOZA sobre el palco de home club de los Cañeros en el GRAND STADIUM DE LA HABANA en la barriada del Cerro:
cubans 1958
La pregunta que siempre tengo en el disparador ¿Por qué los cronistas hispanos, “nuestra gente o los nuestros como dicen cuando buscan soporte para la reforma migratoria o para leyes de único y personal beneficio”, no acompañan a los cubanos que exigimos cambios radicales en nuestro país para que el beisbol nacional regrese a su cauce en carácter de reciprocidad? ¿Cuándo es que se necesita de la hermandad en  que yo, por ejemplo, no creo?:
espn radioEnrique Rojas - ESPN Deportes Radio - August 29, 2012
Contra el beisbol cubano erigieron un muro más difícil, duradero y criminal que la Barrera del Color, pero el silencio cómplice, incluso la aceptación de la tiranía en el entorno regional, es su “Pacto de Inmorales estilo Caballeros”.
Según Jorge Ebro, cronista del Nuevo Herald, se están produciendo críticas destructivas contra el cubano Puig, mientras, alguien, creo que su agente, señaló la posibilidad de envidia lo que para mí es miedo.
Hasta un incidente que involucra al bisnieto de Fausto Lavilla, inmortal cronista cubano de “cuando Cuba reía”, han habilitado para pisotear al pelotero de los Dodgers, basado en que no conoció o ignoró a Luis González, “Héroe de la Serie Mundial del 2001” por obra y gracia del papel de villano de Mariano Rivera, que pudo terminar el Clásico con un tiro para dobleplay y botó la bola, permitiendo que el tampeño le diera hit decisivo por encima de segunda:
luis gonzalez
González nunca fue un superestrella, sino un buen outfielder, no es Oliva ni Miñoso ni Tany ni Cárdenas ni Campy ni el Haitiano ni Tiant ni Camilo… forma parte del grupo sospechoso de usar sustancias prohibidas, evidente en su caso por aquella temporada de 58 jonrones y ninguna otra de más de 35, ¿Entonces? y Puig solo tiene 22 años y viene de un país de tiranía dictatorial, donde mencionar a un nativo o a un descendiente que jugara en Grandes Ligas fue una causa política con 1-3 años de prisión por “Desacato a la Autoridad” durante más de 45 años y hay bien documentadas 5,653 de estas:
OLIVA HOME PLATEversalles corre buenahaitiano muy buena 1
Nada de lo anterior es raro, tomando en cuenta que a Camilo Pascual lo han dejado fuera de los 10 mejores pitchers hispanos de todos los tiempos, aunque, debo destacarlo, el origen de estas nadie sabe si faltas de respeto, desconocimientos o canalladas gratuitas, están en los decretos del tirano desde 1961 y en las gavetas del Buró Político del CC del PCC ratificándolas durante 52 temporadas:
camilo pascual senadores buena
Yasel Piuig no es una estrella del beisbol aún, ningún cubano activo lo es, porque no se puede respaldar esa clasificación con poco juego, muy poco realmente, en Grandes Ligas.
Ni Alexis Ramírez, que no resplandece como tiene que hacerlo el astro mimado por la prensa y el público y Kendri perdió la oportunidad por la conocida terrible fractura de un tobillo:
kendri
Ahora, 6 de ellos: Chapman, Fernández, Iglesias, Echevarría, Céspedes y Puig tienen condiciones y lo serán si se adaptan al duro bregar del calendario de 162 juegos, si son preocupados y capaces de escuchar y observar con la disciplina requerida al coach propio y al pitcheo enemigo, si pueden arreglar a tiempo los errores que cometen que, más temprano que tarde, estarán en las computadoras de todos los entrenadores contrarios de cada liga:
josé fernández esta
Yoenis Céspedes está pagando la novatada del jinx: se va detrás de cada lanzamiento bajo y afuera que le tiran, después lo combinan con rectas en zona media y lo dominan y Viciedo no sigue la bola, ambos comienzan a mostrar signos de impaciencia en el home, por lo que no son selectivos, supongo que estén trabajando duramente con ellos:
OAKLAND ATHLETICS VS LOS ANGELES DODGERS
Puig juega a la pelota con pasión, con ganas, trata de ganarse el dinero que le pagan.
Como que muchos jugadores hispanos que actúan aquí indebidamente por la tragedia del beisbol cubano se han influido del juego americano tipo refrigerador, que se poncha y vira como si con él no fuera la mayoría de las veces, que se cuidan más que a la posición que tienen que defender con los dientes por lo del exagerado contrato mercenario a largo plazo, les molesta el juego del cubano, porque les es ajeno, comprometedor y yo diría que raro para una pelota tan mala, de tan poca pasión y de menos exigencia como las Grandes Ligas de hoy, repleta de sospechosas lesiones y escándalos como para confiar en ella.
Yasiel Puig no juega como se juega en la Cuba castrista, que allí se arreglan juegos todos los años y hasta clubes completos se venden, el muchacho juega como se jugaba antes en Cuba, que es otra cosa… y yendo un poco más lejos, como jugaron Clemente, Aparicio, Willie Mays… cuando el beisbol era un asunto serio, de gente seria, para gente seria:
mays atrapada 1954clemente swing buena bajaMIÑOSO CORRINGaparicio desliza tercera vs yankees salta mcdougal
Como que el país del catcher Miguel Montero nunca pudo ganar una Serie del Caribe mientras Cuba asistió, no me resulta extraño que les queden esos residuos de bilis a muchos de estas generaciones que, la mayoría, jamás están en titulares ni si matan, este individuo ha dicho que le gustaría ayudar al joven jardinero “para que no lo odien en Grandes Ligas”, incluso dicen que por tal razón perdió en la votación para el All Star ¡Hummmmmmm…!!!!!!!
montero
Montero y los demás desconocen la tragedia cubana a pesar de Chávez y de Maduro, por eso tienen el juego empatado y la carrera que los matará en tercera sin outs; nunca ha vivido sin pasado como en un país donde ha sido un peligro mencionarlo, pero no es un bigleaguer, porque esa categoría requiere de más que buena dosis de decencia y personalidad. Por mucho que vista un uniforme sigue siendo el pobre venezolano a quien Miñoso, Camilo, Humberto, Haitiano González… aplastaban durante los 50’s.
Puig no es una estrella todavía, pero tiene condiciones para serlo: ¿Qué diferencia hay entre Miguel Cabrera en su debut y Yasel Puig? Y no comparo, que considero a Cabrera el mejor bateador hispano jamás visto, sin embargo, creo que el venezolano no era superior al cubano durante sus primeras demostraciones en el Big Show EN NADA:
cabrera 4
El villareño viene dando palos desde el spring training que, sumado al momento actual, es un  poco de más tiempo del que lleva en calendario haciendo lo mismo.
Yo creo que este jugador va a cuajar como estrella del pasatiempo, lo que no va a suceder nunca es que ni Montero ni ninguno de los que critican al outfielder de los Dodgers se nucleen  alrededor del cubano expoliado en su exigencia para que se derrumbe esta barrera más injusta, más criminal y más duradera que la que impidió a los negros de actuar en Grandes Ligas.
A fin de cuentas, estos “Caballeros del Pacto nuevo por contubernio silencioso” tienen corazón de Cap Anson por miedo a “fantasmas del pasado”, pero ni un adarme de Branch Rickey para meterse en un empeño tan grande como contribuir a la libertad de un pueblo al que tanto le deben agradecer en el juego de pelota

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martes, junio 25, 2013

Ecuador 'socializa' el 67% de los medios con nueva Ley de Comunicación

vieja piedra en el zapato de correa. los medios de comunicacion privados han sido desde su primera investidura presidencial los verdaderos enemigos politicos del doctor presidente.
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La Ley Orgánica de Comunicación de Ecuador, que el presidente de la República, Rafael Correa, ratificó el pasado 21 de junio, ha entrado en vigor este martes al publicarse en el Registro Oficial y ha sustituido a la antigua Ley de Radiodifusión que, con modificaciones en 1996 y 2002, seguía en vigencia desde la dictadura (1975), según ha informado la agencia Andes.
La norma, aprobada por la mayoría absoluta en el Congreso de Ecuador, establece el reparto de frecuencias y licencias de radio y televisión, concediendo un 34 por ciento para los medios comunitarios, un 33 por ciento para el sector público y un 33 por ciento para los privados con fines de lucro, según el diario ecuatoriano La Hora.
La ley plantea también la creación de un consejo de regulación, integrado en su mayoría por representantes del sector público, que deberá regular el contenido de los medios relacionados con violencia o que sean discriminatorios y podrá imponer sanciones, lo que ha provocado críticas de empresarios y periodistas en Ecuador.
La Relatoría Especial para la Libertad de Expresión de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CoIDH) y La Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO) han expresado su preocupación por los cambios legales impulsados por el Gobierno.
Además de diversos medios y asociaciones de periodistas, el Departamento de Estado estadounidense también se ha mostrado intranquilo por la posibilidad de que la nueva ley pueda dañar "la libertad de prensa" y que se limite "el ejercicio de los medios independientes".
Correa ha reiterado que la Ley de Comunicación garantiza el derecho a la información y ha negado que el objetivo sea que el Estado tome en propiedad a los medios.

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martes, junio 11, 2013

Time Magazine and the Enshrining of Mayor Rahm Emanuel: Can a Media Hero Do Any Wrong?

Mayor Rahm Emanuel, at the helm of arguably the most corrupt city in the nation, has an image challenge. He has created enemies left, right, and center in the name of budget cuts while racking up spending on pet projects for the 1% like a maze of protected bike lanes through the city. His notorious temper and connections to the embattled Obama “Chicago Way” Administration risk forever tainting his turn in charge.

Enter Time magazine, whose June 10 cover story on Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel presents a controversial figure who, though under attack, is made of heroic mettle, and therefore impervious to petty questions about school closings and massive government expenditures. No, with Time’s help, Rahm will be protected by the media in the same way so many others before him have: through a sort of enshrinement afforded to a “character” like him.
Time’s piece, “Rahm’s Kind of Town,” opens by posturing Emanuel in a battle of biblical and epic proportions against fellow Democrats, comparing it to the likes of “Cain and Abel, the Yorks and Lancasters, and Michael and Fredo Corleone.” The latter is perhaps a nod to his nickname, the “Godfather.”
The Time piece is replete with references to his “Godfather” image, referring to him as “the guy who has picked the fights his predecessors avoided.” Time’s cover is equally bold, presenting him as a tough guy in black and white, dominating the gritty city scene behind him.
Mayor Daley was always said to “get the roads plowed,” and with this, he was issued a monumental pass for his mobster-like rule over the city. A tactic that worked, and that Rahm appears to be pursuing aggressively.
Time provides a factual account of the trials and tribulations of Emanuel’s first two rocky years, from the seven-day teacher strike in 2012, record-high homicides and violence, to the furor of black communities against him, so many of whose children’s schools are shuttered by the Mayor’s School Board. However, Time misses a beat when it comes to dealing with devastation and ongoing plight in Chicago’s poorer-urban-black communities, and the foreclosure housing crisis within.
Rahm must be more than aware that positioning himself as making epic decisions will work to his advantage, telling Time: “the decisions we make in the next two to three years will determine the face of Chicago for the next 20 to 30 years.”
Decisions like his massive infrastructure plan “Chicago Forward,” funded by a public-private trust, which is estimated to reach at least $7 billion as the city faces an annual $650 million deficit under his management.
Time moves from detailing the tough decisions Rahm faces to setting him up as even worthy of consideration for the highest office in the land. Time questions the Mayor on whether or not he will run for president, to which he responds, “No. I'm not. Never. It is not happening. I don't know how else to say it. No.” 
"I'm done with that," he said of Washington's gridlock and posturing. "I worked eight years in the White House for two great Presidents. They talk about things they want to do--I'm doing it. This is the happiest I've ever been in public life. I've always wanted to be mayor.”
Never mind the fact that in no way would any Democrat operative in their right mind impose yet another Chicago wastrel on the nation at this time; this is about setting Rahm up as a heavy hitter, a man who turned down the presidency of the United States, no less.
Throughout the piece, Time continues to beat the presidential drum, referring to Rahm’s presidential qualities that “evoke Clinton, in the way he rattles off statistics… and like Clinton, he knows how to schmooze to get what he wants.” Time continues [emphasis mine]:
At the same time, he has taken on some very large issues, the kind Presidents give speeches about: education reform, job creation, unsafe streets. Revealing the stripes of a pragmatic, pro-business New Democrat, the mayor lengthened the school day for Chicago's elementary and high school students, reorganized the city's enormous system of community colleges to emphasize job-skills training and established an infrastructure trust to allow private investment in public-works projects. All of these are popular ideas among some Democratic policy mavens, but no other mayor has taken them so far, so fast.
Rahm says he “is a wonk trapped in a hack’s body.” This, Time posits, “blends into a 21st century version of the classic urban boss,” alluding to time spent working for former Chicago Mayor Richard Daley, who was known for continuing the legacy of his father Richard J. Daley’s “political machine,” which others called an organized crime syndicate.  
If Rahm is seeking the same media protection Daley received, his description of a very Daley-like tactic will help things along. He explained to Time how he got Chicago universities to partner with local high schools:
"Each of those college presidents has construction projects they want to complete," he explains. "I just told them if they would help me, I'd have someone walk their plans through the permit process." They all assented, though he didn't have to say what might happen to those permits should they refuse.
Time finishes off its piece with a quote from the Chicago mobster movie, The Untouchables: “you wait until the fight is over. One guy is left standing. And that's how you know who won."
Perhaps you wait to see who writes the story of who won, and that’s how you know just how far Chicago’s tentacles have reached. Witness: Time.

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martes, mayo 28, 2013

Sideline Reporter Hit By Baseball



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martes, mayo 14, 2013

Peter Worthington: "If you are reading this, I am dead"

torontoist.com
If you are reading this, I am dead.
How’s that for a lead?
Guarantees you read on, at least for a bit.
When the Sun’s George Gross died suddenly in March 2008, at age 85, there were few of his contemporaries left alive to recall the old days, when he was in his prime and his world was young. I was one of the few who knew him then.
After attending his funeral I half-facetiously remarked to the Toronto Sun’s deputy managing editor, Al Parker, that I had been around so long that no one was left who knew me back then, and I had better write my own obituary.
“Good idea!” said Parker with more enthusiasm than I appreciated.
I mentioned it to my wife, Yvonne, who approved.
So here it is, not exactly an obit but a reflection back on a life and a career that I had never planned, but which unfolded in a way that I’ve never regretted.
Journalism never entered my mind when I was younger. I suppose my father’s colourful life before entering the army in the First World War affected my outlook. He had been orphaned at age 10, worked as a water boy in a Mexican silver mine and witnessed his half-brother, superintendent at the mine, killed by the Mexican bandit Pancho Villa. My dad went to sea, became a ship’s engineer, was in the 1906 San Francisco earthquake, fought in Central American wars (Nicaragua, Honduras) before heading off to serve in the First World War. Passing through Montreal, he enlisted in the Black Watch as a private, and returned in 1919 as a captain with a Military Cross and Bar, and a Military Medal and Bar.
As a kid, there was no way I could match that for adventure, and in my teens dreaded anything that was mindful of a staid, inside job. I worked on construction sites during the war and at 15 ran away from home to join the merchant navy, but was rejected. At 17, my mother signed consensual papers for me to enlist in the navy — Fleet Air Arm, as it turned out. I later got a commission and at 18 was the youngest and least competent sub-lieutenant in the Royal Canadian Navy Volunteer Reserve.
On discharge in Vancouver, I used veteran credits to attend the University of British Columbia. I hadn’t finished high school in Ontario, but, by the time UBC learned that, I had passed the first year, so they let me continue. I spent more time missing classes than I did studying, and by the time the Korean War started in 1950, my only achievement was winning the university’s light-heavyweight boxing title and the Golden Gloves.
I joined the army as a lieutenant and went to Korea as a platoon commander, later became battalion intelligence officer, and then went on loan to the U.S. Air Force to join a Mosquito squadron, flying in the rear seat of Harvard planes to direct air strikes onto Chinese targets. It was felt infantry officers could read maps better than pilots, and understood ground defensive positions better.
When the war ended, I had mild depression. What to do now? I still yearned for an adventurous life, but the world had changed since my father’s youth.
Rumour was that the French were hiring experienced infantry officers to serve in Indochina at $1,000 a month. I applied through the French embassy in Tokyo, and got a terse “Cher Lieutenant” letter that said the rumour was false, but I could join the Foreign Legion for five years as a private. In time for Dien Bien Phu, perhaps. I returned to Canada, took parachute training, joined the Princess Pats Mobile Strike Force, then quit the army.
What to do? I returned to UBC (on veteran credits), got a Bachelor of Arts degree and applied to the Vancouver Province to be a sports writer. I was considered unqualified for that, but was hired as a news reporter at $35 a month. I spent the summer of 1954 trying to get a byline and failed, until the city editor, Tom Hazlitt, took pity and re-wrote my story with my byline.
I went east to Ottawa’s Carleton College for a journalism degree, won a couple of graduation prizes and was hired by the Toronto Telegram as a reporter by the paper’s acerbic city editor, Art Cole, who seemed to expect every reporter to have an excuse not to cover an assignment, and was suspicious of those who were eager to work.
Shortly after joining the Tely, the Soviet Union invaded Hungary, and the Suez War erupted. When the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) was authorized to go to Gaza, I took courage in hand and asked managing editor J. Douglas MacFarlane to send me.
He refused outright, and said a rookie reporter would never be sent on such an assignment. I replied that I had recently left the army, that I knew many of the soldiers involved, could get exclusive stuff, that I’d go on my holidays, charge no expenses, arrange my own way. Everything free for the Tely.
It was an offer MacFarlane couldn’t refuse. I went, and the stories worked out.
It set the pattern for my future at the Tely, and was an argument for enterprise.
Soon after my return, the U.S. Marines landed in Lebanon to prevent a coup.
As the Tely reporter who had most recently been to the Middle East, I was the automatic choice this time, since my UNEF stuff had been acceptable (and cost nothing).
In the middle of the Lebanon crisis, Baghdad erupted with King Faisal and his family being assassinated. With another reporter, I hired a taxi in Damascus and we headed east across the roadless desert to Baghdad. I was first to report from Iraq.
At the same time, British paratroopers had landed in Jordan to protect King Hussein from a coup, supposedly being planned by Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser.
I headed to Amman, after interviewing Brig-Gen. Abdul Karim Kassem who staged the coup in Iraq.
An hour after arriving in Amman, I went to the king’s palace to apply for an interview and got mixed up with a group of German businessmen who were to meet King Hussein. I joined them, and by the time the king realized I was an interloper, it was too late and he tolerated my presence.
My success started a stampede of other journalists, who had been waiting weeks for an interview, to the palace. For me, it was a realization that for journalists, reconnaissance can be valuable, and that it’s better to be lucky than good.
For the next 15 years, I covered every major war, crisis or revolution in the world. I was reluctant to take holidays for fear of missing a foreign crisis. Not in any particular order, I covered the Algerian war of independence, the Congo, Angola insurgency, Jews fleeing Morocco, the Dalai Lama’s escape from Tibet, the coup in Laos, the Vietnam War, Indonesia’s invasion of Dutch New Guinea, India versus Pakistan, China’s invasion of India, Israel’s 1967 defeat of Egypt, China shelling Taiwan, riots in Belgium, civil disturbance in France, the mutiny of the Foreign Legion in Algeria, and so on.
In the early days, when attending a crisis, my method was to start with a colour story, like getting roughed up by angry crowds, or confronting the police or the army, and gradually learning the politics of what was happening. At the end of each assignment, I liked to do a five-part series on what it all meant, ending with a prediction of what the future would bring — which I still feel is important, as the reporter learns to analyze.
Those years were enormously stimulating and satisfying — being at the centre of the hurricane, or most newsworthy story of the moment. I relished being in the centre of action, with adrenalin flowing, and motivated by being able to write about it the same day, and going to another adventure the next day.
All at the publisher’s expense. A huge privilege.
The endless travel cost me my first marriage, since the job took precedence — especially when I went to Moscow to open the bureau for the Toronto Telegram in the mid-1960s. Before that, the Tely wanted to open a bureau in China. The Chinese had indicated approval, and I spent a couple of months in Hong Kong waiting for a visa.
The Chinese eventually rejected me — not, as I had feared, because I had been a soldier in the Korean War but because I showed too much enthusiasm and had co-operated with the Americans in bombing Chinese troops.
My wife, Helen, understandably didn’t want an absentee husband. We divorced and she bettered herself by marrying a judge, and living happily. I later married a Tely reporter, Yvonne Crittenden, whose husband had run off with another Tely staffer (Caligula’s court in those days), and we all benefitted accordingly.
When President John Kennedy was assassinated, I was one of a team of Tely reporters dispatched to Washington. I went on to Dallas for the arraignment of Lee Harvey Oswald, accused assassin of JFK.
An hour after arriving in Dallas on the redeye flight from Washington, I checked out the Dallas police station and inadvertently stumbled into the underground garage where the cops (who mistook me for an FBI agent) were ready to transport Lee Harvey Oswald to the jail. I was there when Jack Ruby emerged from the crowd and shot Oswald. I appear briefly on TV shots of the killing, but it doesn’t stand out in my memory as a watershed moment.
When the Tely folded in 1971 and the Sun started, I was one of the lucky ones who had been offered a job at The Toronto Star. “You’ll never like it — you’re not a Star person,” said Yvonne, who had worked at The Star and been reamed out by the city editor (Bill Drylie) for using shorthand, which he called “chicken tracks.” He’d tolerate no reporter “who did chicken tracks.”
Instead of joining the Star, I teamed up with Doug Creighton and Don Hunt in starting the Toronto Sun, with me as executive editor and then editor-in-chief. I nursed no desire to be editor, and always felt reporting was an honourable job. To me, good reporters were more valuable than mediocre editors, and should get paid accordingly. As editor, I had strong views on what editorials should be — one handed (no on this, that or the other hand), a strong point of view, marshal your arguments, and let others challenge them.
If, later, you change your mind, acknowledge it and inform the reader. I liked irreverence, eccentricity, controversy, cheerfulness, mischief and independent thinking. These could be found in columnists if one knew where to look.
Editorially, the Sun challenged the policies of Pierre Trudeau — his dislike of the military, his empathy for communism, his admiration of dictators (Mao Zedong, Fidel Castro), his lust for a written constitution and so on. The Sun became a lightning rod for those uneasy about Trudeau, at a time when Trudeaumania was rampant.
Trudeau’s dislike of the Sun overflowed when I was charged with violating the Official Secrets Act for revealing 16 cases of Soviet subversion of Canadians at a time when Trudeau insisted the Soviet Union was Canada’s friend. After a year of preliminary hearings, the judge dismissed the case.
I had been looking forward to the trial, which I thought was winnable. Publisher Creighton quipped at the time that he was pleased the charges were dismissed “but my co-accused is going to appeal.”
During this tense period, the Sun’s circulation rose by some 30,000. Hitherto leftist critics evidently felt we couldn’t be all bad if the RCMP were taking aim at us.
In 1982, I quit the Sun’s board of directors and gave up the editorship when we voted — with one dissenting voice (mine) — to sell ourselves to Maclean-Hunter, thus trading our independence for financial security. I stayed at the Sun, writing a column, until my erstwhile partner, Publisher Creighton, fired me because The Star ran a front-page item quoting me on a book tour in Edmonton saying rival papers covered hard news better than the Sun.
What I had said was that the Sun ran opinion columns and had diversity, and let readers decide what they want to read, but if it’s only hard news one wants, buy a rival paper. I always felt Doug had acted impetuously, and then couldn’t back down. This was 1984. I went to the Financial Post as a columnist — until Doug was quoted in The Globe and Mail in 1988 saying I’d be the first editor of the new Ottawa Sun that was due to start.
Yvonne and I were in Nova Scotia at the time. More impetuousness from Doug.
I went back to the boy scout stuff — three times to Angola with the Jonas Savimbi’s UNITA movement, fighting the Soviet-Cuban Marxist regime; attending Eritrea’s war of independence from Ethiopia in 1988, and then returning in 1998 for another border war with Ethiopia.
In short, I’d argue I had a glorious, stimulating and rewarding life — maybe not the same as my father’s, but longer, and in its way, more varied.
I feel a bit as one of the characters in the great movie The Man Who Would Be King who says that he and his friend may not have amounted to much, but think of the things they’ve seen, and the memories they have. I feel similarly.
Looking back, it was a privilege to have stayed at the jungle hospital of Dr. Albert Schweitzer in Gabon and conferred with the great man; also interviewing and visiting the Dalai Lama, first when he escaped from Tibet in 1959, and later at his Indian retreat of Dharamsala in 1962; and interview the likes of Nasser, Nehru, Chiang Kai-shek, Lumumba, Jomo Kenyata, Indira Ghandi, Alan Paton, Joe Louis and such.
I treasure being with Heinrich Harrar, author of Seven Years in Tibet, in Dutch New Guinea where the stone-age Dani people had only recently been discovered. They used seashells as money and had not yet invented pottery.
It was nerve-wracking in 1967 to be mistaken for an Israeli prisoner by a Cairo mob and punched and battered until rescued by a brave Egyptian who defied the mob.
There were the lethal streets of Algiers, where daily assassinations took place, and occasionally the French army opened fire on civilians. One afternoon a bullet went through the sleeve of my jacket and I didn’t know it until others pointed it out.
Prague, when Soviet tanks invaded, and the great distance runner, Emil Zatopek, ran the streets, preaching resistance to the Soviets, and then racing to the next rallying point, always a pace ahead of the Red Army.
Being jailed in Luanda and deported to Mozambique, at a time when Portuguese reprisals were underway in Angola.
There is the image of Patrice Lumumba being hustled out of the Ghanaian officers mess in Leopoldville, to save him from assassination by a raging mob. And then Lumumba giving a press conference while under house arrest — and escaping at night to attend rallies in his name.
More memories: Ojukwu, in Biafra, with brand-new shoes and smoking State Express cigarettes, as Ben Wicks was scolded for having his hands in his pocket while in the presence of “His Excellency.”
Of Albert Schweitzer whacking a leper not-so-gently on the head for not chipping faster at a huge rock from which he was making gravel.
Of Laos, boasting proportionately the most Mercedes cars in the world in a country with only 24 km of paved roads — and a dead king being preserved in a tree trunk filled with honey for one year until burial.
Of Dr. Tom Dooley, sick with terminal cancer, wanting me to rent an aircraft for him to fly to his jungle hospital for a farewell visit.
Of meeting the Beatles in Hong Kong — and not knowing who they were or why the city was going berserk over their presence there.
A fond memory is the RCMP searching my cluttered office for a letter by the head of RCMP security to then-prime minister Trudeau complaining against the PM’s dictum that security checks of Quebecers should not include questions about separatism.
Bob Johnstone of the CBC, looking through the glass window with other TV journalists, quipped that the office was so cluttered “the RCMP may not find a letter, but they may lose a Mountie.”
After checking under the coffee table, chairs, behind pictures on the wall, rifling through books for the letter, they found it a couple of hours later in the upper left hand drawer of my desk.
These, and more, are the products of a career in journalism, and are part of what made it worthwhile. And I’ve not even mentioned Olga, the exotic defector from the KGB in Moscow, or the rewarding aberration of running for a seat in parliament and having the distinction of losing in the greatest Tory sweep in Canada’s history.
I’ve never been much afraid of dying — scared, at times, yes. But I never expected to reach 80, much less 86!!
Of course, there is the Toronto Sun, which was never as good a newspaper as it could have been, but which was always a fun place to work, with good people who seemed to be forever being replaced by other good people.
The Sun was always pretty tolerant of me and, I must say, I was pretty tolerant of it from time to time. We both served each other’s purpose.
My greatest regret is causing pain or sorrow for those left behind — Yvonne, Casey, Guy and Dani and the grandkids — all of whom made life worthwhile.
I regret, too, the nuisance for them of a funeral which they may hope will be well attended, but which I know won’t be, because I tend to be a loner who treated most people decently, but who never encouraged intimacy.
My reservations are meaningless and will be ignored.
Pity I wasn’t a drinker, then everyone could feel superior and forgive a weakness.

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martes, abril 30, 2013

Report: CIA Seeks Al-Qaeda 'Inspire' Magazine Editor

www.politisite.com

Two weeks after the devastating Boston Marathon bombings, the UK Telegraph now reports that the CIA is seeking the editor of Al-Qaeda’s English-language Inspire magazine, the source from which the Tsarnaev brothers apparently learned how to build pressure cooker bombs. The prior editor was killed by US drones in 2011 in Yemen.

The article in Inspire that inspired the Tsarnaevs was titled “How to Make a Bomb in the Kitchen of Your Mom.” The CIA source told the Telegraph, “Inspire clearly is a powerful propaganda tool.” A former CIA officer also said, “They are intensifying investigations into who is behind this publication, and where the money for it is coming from.”

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lunes, abril 29, 2013

Rafael Correa - Frente a Frente con Ana Pastor

Desde el sitio de Ichikawa
Byron Ochoa



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martes, abril 23, 2013

Suspect: We copied bombs from al Qaeda


Visit NBCNews.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy
Read on usnews >>
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viernes, marzo 08, 2013

Justin Bieber defends scuffle with paparazzi: ’I’m human’


Visit NBCNews.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy
Read on Today >>
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viernes, marzo 01, 2013

Al-Qaeda publishes it’s latest hit list

barenakedislam

The latest edition of the al Qaeda English-language magazine Inspire is out today. A digital copy of the magazine, provided by MEMRI shows a “Wanted: Dead or Alive” feature on page 10 of the new issue:

inspire.preview

Weekly Standard   (h/t Kamiaru“Wanted: Dead or Alive for Crimes Against Islam,” the page reads. The list includes: Molly Norris, Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Flemming Rose, Morris Swadiq, Salman Rushdie, Girt Wilders [sic], Lars Vilks, Stephane Charbonnie, Carsten Luste, Terry Jones, and Kurt Westergaard. No further reason is provided to explain why these folks were singled out for the hit list, though many are notable critics of radical Islam. 

“Yes We Can,” the image reads. “A Bullet A Day Keeps the Infidel Away.”

“Defend Prophet Muhammad peace be upon him,” the image reads.

14827

Those targeted by al-Qaeda include:



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martes, diciembre 25, 2012

End of an era: Farewell, Newsweek

Mark Whitaker, CNN
February 17, 1933
Editor's note: Mark Whitaker is executive vice president and managing editor of CNN Worldwide. Whitaker worked at Newsweek for 25 years and was the editor from 1998 to 2006. Newsweek's final print edition publishes this week.
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(CNN) -- When people ask me if there's anything I miss about my old job at Newsweek, it's an easy answer. Besides the amazingly talented colleagues I worked with there, I miss picking the cover.
The cover is the calling card of any magazine, but it was particularly true for newsmagazines, since we put out a new issue every week and the range of subjects we had to choose from was so broad. In my era, as competition from more instant news on cable TV and the Web became ever more intense, it was also the one area where our slowpoke frequency could work in our favor.
Make a smart call on the cover, and it stayed on newsstands and coffee tables for an entire week for readers to admire and discuss. It's why, for instance, I still hear people talk about the cover story that I asked Fareed Zakaria, my former colleague at Newsweek (and now at CNN), to write after 9/11 called "Why They Hate Us."
Of course, the opposite was also true. Make a dumb call and you had to live with it for a whole week. A crudely Photoshopped cover of Martha Stewart emerging from behind a curtain after her brief prison stint for obstruction of justice and making false statements to investigators comes to mind.
For decades, the cover was also how the fierce competition between Newsweek and Time was defined. In the 1960s, Newsweek became a "hot book" after three decades as a distant also-ran, thanks largely to its forward-looking covers on civil rights, Vietnam and the women's movement (not to mention Twiggy and LSD). In the 1970s, it was the cleverness of its cover designs as well as the depth of its reporting that wowed everyone who followed Newsweek's coverage of Watergate.
When both magazines put a young Bruce Springsteen on the cover in the same week in 1975, it became conventional wisdom that we tried to copy each other. But the opposite was true: We were always looking to win the cover war, and we exulted when we did.
One of those moments came for me the weekend that Princess Diana died in 1997. We held the presses, threw out the issue we had just put to bed and came back into the office in the wee hours to publish a new one. I wanted a striking image for the cover and remembered a black and white photo of a short-haired Diana that had been taken by the fashion photographer Patrick Demarchelier.
One of my photo editors, a friend of Demarchelier's, went to his apartment, woke him up and persuaded him to give us the negative. When I saw a wire service photo several hours later of Time's cover, a standard news shot of Diana, I knew our issue would crush theirs on the newsstand. And it did, selling well over a million copies.
Some weeks, like that one, the thrill was in "crashing" a cover at the last minute when a big story broke close to our Sunday deadline. John F. Kennedy Jr. would perish in a plane accident, or Saddam Hussein would get captured in Iraq, and we'd switch covers and have the satisfaction of looking nimble and newsy on Monday.
Details, however, could sometimes get overlooked in the rush. In 1990, when I wrote a Sunday story on Nelson Mandela's release from prison, we put the word "Free!" on the cover. We never stopped to think that people would assume we were giving away the magazine for nothing.
On slower news weeks, the satisfaction was in posing a pressing or provocative question about the economy, or race relations, or gay rights, or the fight to improve our health or save our schools. Or it was in deciding which icons deserved covers when they died, and what new cultural figures were worth highlighting on the way up. As proud as I was of putting a newly elected senator from Illinois named Barack Obama on our year-end cover in 2004, I was just as proud of selecting Jon Stewart in 2003.
Then there was the sheer creative fun of coming up with the designs and words for the cover. I'll never forget election night 2000, when the race between George W. Bush and Al Gore went into overtime. We were closing a special issue, and we had prepared separate covers declaring each man the winner. But what to do now?
At about 3 in the morning, my art director walked into my office with an image that her staff had concocted of the two faces melded into one. "That's genius!" I said, and we put it on the cover with the headline "The Winner Is..."
Decades from now, when people have forgotten most of what they read inside the pages of Newsweek, they'll still remember the visual impact of covers like that one. And those of us who were lucky enough to work there will remember those late nights, crowded in the editor's office, competing to see who could come up with the best cover line.
It sure was heaven while it lasted.

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lunes, noviembre 05, 2012

Voter Fraud Investigations Cause Media Uproar

Campaign director in Texas gets fired, Congressman's field director resigned, Houston OFA office gets shut down. Coverage from FOX News, CNN, local affiliates of CBS, NBC, FOX, and more. Slate.com, Maddow Blog and even Salon.com weigh in on a positive note with these investigations.

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miércoles, septiembre 19, 2012

Nanotecnologia Kubiche y 700 terabytes en un ADN

seria conveniente que el vastago de castro 1 y la ministra de ciencia, tecnologia y medio ambiente [cargo donde sobran las  tres denominaciones] dejaran la boberia de la nanotecnologia kubiche y arrancaran por donde es, la frontera tecnologica del asunto.
pero que la'bana retome el ritual aspergiano [del sindrome] cientifico-tecnologico tantas veces ejecutado por el mesias del bonche en jefe, es caricaturisticamente entendible pero, que los medios desde el nuevo herald hasta el abc iberico lo repitan amplificadamente sin filtrarlo como corresponde, es una conducta esquizofrenica y/ o manipuladora.  
--------------------------------------------
Microsiervos/
coding-decoding-dna-storage.jpg
Almacenar datos informáticos en secuencias de ADN o en soportes de memoria basados en ADN puede sonar raro y lo es. Pero es posible y al parecer es un método bastante capaz: un grupo de investigadores ha conseguido almacenar unos 700 terabytes (unos 720.000 GB) en un gramo de ADN.
Al fin y al cabo el ADN almacena información, que es algo que nos encanta hacer a los humanos; nos pasamos el día averiguando dónde más y cómo almacenar datos con la mayor capacidad y velocidad de acceso a ellos que sea posible. Y el ADN parece un buen lugar: un disco Blu-Ray puede contener hasta 25GB, o 50 GB si es de capa doble, por lo que hacen falta unos 14.000 para igualar la capacidad de un gramo de ADN. Más aún, almacenar una cantidad de información equivalente supondrían más de 230 discos duros de 3 TB, que suponen unos 150 kilos de peso, calculan en ExtremeTech.
Hace unos meses un equipo de genetistas y nanoingenieros combinaron ADN de salmón y nanopartículas de plata para construir un soporte de memoria que funciona de forma similar a un disco óptico. Es decir, se escribe la información una vez, la cual queda secuenciada en el ADN, y se puede leer tantas veces como se quiera. Según los investigadores una vez configurado el polímero compuesto por ADN y nanopartículas el patrón de datos se mantiene inalterable de forma indefinida.
Tanto si el destino es una memoria basada en ADN como una secuencia de ADN convencional el proceso es similar: primero hay que convertir la información digital, que se expresa en forma de 1 y 0 en el lenguaje del ADN, que utiliza las bases A, G, T y C.
Por ejemplo, los ceros se convierten en el par de bases A o C y los unos en las bases G o T. La secuencia codificada se guarda en cadenas de ADN convencional o modificado, caso del modelo con nanopartículas de plata. Así es como un investigador guardó miles de millones de copias de su último libro en un pequeño tubo de ensayo «y en condiciones normales durarará cientos de años». O lo que es lo mismo: un dispositivo con este tipo de memoria puede almacenar, «en lo que ocupa un dedo pulgar tanta información como la que hay en Internet».
De momento la técnica sigue estando limitada a su uso en laboratorio y al desarrollo de variantes basadas en el mismo principio, pero el coste de secuenciar ADN se ha reducido significativamente en los últimos 10 años, pasando de los 10.000 dólares por cada millón de par de bases secuenciada a los 10 céntimos por millón actuales.

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domingo, julio 15, 2012

Agresion a opositor y bochornoso titular de Marti Noticias

pudiera ser un gazapo si no fuera por la desidia -aun espero no sea intencional- con que se aborda cada vez con mas frecuencia la tragedia cubana. si bochornoso aunque no sorprende por la catadura moral de la dictadura, la cobarde agresion al opositor pacifico jorge cervantes, no menos lo es el titular de  Martí Noticias:

'Lanzan eses fecales, chapapote y fango a la casa de opositor en Cuba'

solo un escalon por debajo, presentan al medico denunciante con el el estetoscopo en el cuello como si estuviera en consulta. posiblemente no pueda lamentablemente ni ejercer su profesion por ser opositor, pero igual lo ponen con el estetoscopo para que conste que es medico. les falto la batica y el recetario .

constato otra de las multiples razones que explican el marasmo kubiche, ante el cual las personas decentes de este mundo se hacen de la vista gorda, mientras la mayoria se burla abiertamente. no averguenza, indigna. 
-----------------------------------


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"Hablame"

"EN TIEMPOS DIFÍCILES" - Heberto Padilla

A aquel hombre le pidieron su tiempo

para que lo juntara al tiempo de la Historia.

Le pidieron las manos,

porque para una época difícil

nada hay mejor que un par de buenas manos.

Le pidieron los ojos

que alguna vez tuvieron lágrimas

para que contemplara el lado claro

(especialmente el lado claro de la vida)

porque para el horror basta un ojo de asombro.

Le pidieron sus labios

resecos y cuarteados para afirmar,

para erigir, con cada afirmación, un sueño

(el-alto-sueño);

le pidieron las piernas

duras y nudosas

(sus viejas piernas andariegas),

porque en tiempos difíciles

¿algo hay mejor que un par de piernas

para la construcción o la trinchera?

Le pidieron el bosque que lo nutrió de niño,

con su árbol obediente.

Le pidieron el pecho, el corazón, los hombros.

Le dijeron

que eso era estrictamente necesario.

Le explicaron después

que toda esta donación resultaria inútil.

sin entregar la lengua,

porque en tiempos difíciles

nada es tan útil para atajar el odio o la mentira.

Y finalmente le rogaron

que, por favor, echase a andar,

porque en tiempos difíciles

esta es, sin duda, la prueba decisiva.

Los Aldeanos: "El Socialismo en Tiempos del Colera: Toda Una Nación"

Etiquetas

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La columna de Cubanalisis

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]
¨Saturno jugando con sus hijos¨/ Pedro Pablo Oliva

Seguidores

Carta desde la carcel de Fidel Castro Ruz

“…después de todo, para mí la cárcel es un buen descanso, que sólo tiene de malo el que es obligatorio. Leo mucho y estudio mucho. Parece increíble, las horas pasan como si fuesen minutos y yo, que soy de temperamento intranquilo, me paso el día leyendo, apenas sin moverme para nada. La correspondencia llega normalmente…”

“…Como soy cocinero, de vez en cuando me entretengo preparando algún pisto. Hace poco me mandó mi hermana desde Oriente un pequeño jamón y preparé un bisté con jalea de guayaba. También preparo spaghettis de vez en cuando, de distintas formas, inventadas todas por mí; o bien tortilla de queso. ¡Ah! ¡Qué bien me quedan! por supuesto, que el repertorio no se queda ahí. Cuelo también café que me queda muy sabroso”.
“…En cuanto a fumar, en estos días pasados he estado rico: una caja de tabacos H. Upman del doctor Miró Cardona, dos cajas muy buenas de mi hermano Ramón….”.
“Me voy a cenar: spaghettis con calamares, bombones italianos de postre, café acabadito de colar y después un H. Upman #4. ¿No me envidias?”.
“…Me cuidan, me cuidan un poquito entre todos. No le hacen caso a uno, siempre estoy peleando para que no me manden nada. Cuando cojo el sol por la mañana en shorts y siento el aire de mar, me parece que estoy en una playa… ¡Me van a hacer creer que estoy de vacaciones! ¿Qué diría Carlos Marx de semejantes revolucionarios?”.
¨La patria es dicha de todos, y dolor de todos, y cielo para todos, y no feudo ni capellaní­a de nadie¨ - Marti

"No temas ni a la prision, ni a la pobreza, ni a la muerte. Teme al miedo"
-
Giacomo Leopardi

¨Por eso es muy importante, Vicky, hijo mío, que recuerdes siempre para qué sirve la cabeza: para atravesar paredes¨Halvar de Flake [El vikingo]

"Como no me he preocupado de nacer, no me preocupo de morir" - Lorca

"Al final, no os preguntarán qué habéis sabido, sino qué habéis hecho" - Jean de Gerson

"Si queremos que todo siga como está, es necesario que todo cambie" - Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa

"Todo hombre paga su grandeza con muchas pequeñeces, su victoria con muchas derrotas, su riqueza con múltiples quiebras" - Giovanni Papini


"Life is what happens while you are busy making other plans" - John Lennon

"Habla bajo, lleva siempre un gran palo y llegarás lejos" - Proverbio Africano

"No hay medicina para el miedo" - Proverbio escoces

"El supremo arte de la guerra es doblegar al enemigo sin luchar"
- Sun Tzu

"You do not really understand something unless you can explain it to your grandmother" - Albert Einstein

"It is inaccurate to say I hate everything. I am strongly in favor of common sense, common honesty, and common decency. This makes me forever ineligible for public office" - H. L. Menken

"I swore never to be silent whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation. We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented" - Elie Wiesel

"Stay hungry, stay foolish" -
Steve Jobs

"If you put the federal government in charge of the Sahara Desert , in five years ther'ed be a shortage of sand" - Milton Friedman

"The tragedy of modern man is not that he knows less and less about the meaning of his own life, but that it bothers him less and less" - Vaclav Havel

"No se puede controlar el resultado, pero si lo que uno haga para alcanzarlo" -
Vitor Belfort [MMA Fighter]

Liborio

Liborio
A la puerta de la gloria está San Pedro sentado y ve llegar a su lado a un hombre de cierta historia. No consigue hacer memoria y le pregunta con celo: ¿Quién eras allá en el suelo? Era Liborio mi nombre. Has sufrido mucho, hombre, entra, te has ganado el cielo.

Para Raul Castro

Cuba ocupa el penultimo lugar en el mundo en libertad economica solo superada por Corea del Norte.

Cuba ocupa el lugar 147 entre 153 paises evaluados en "Democracia, Mercado y Transparencia 2007"

Cuando vinieron

Cuando vinieron a buscar a los comunistas, Callé: yo no soy comunista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los sindicalistas, Callé: yo no soy sindicalista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los judíos, Callé: yo no soy judío. Cuando vinieron a buscar a los católicos, Callé: yo no soy “tan católico”.
Cuando vinieron a buscarme a mí, Callé: no había quien me escuchara.

Reverendo Martin Niemöller

Martha Colmenares

Martha Colmenares
Un sitio donde los hechos y sus huellas nos conmueven o cautivan

CUBA LLORA Y EL MUNDO Y NOSOTROS NO ESCUCHAMOS

Donde esta el Mundo, donde los Democratas, donde los Liberales? El pueblo de Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan los Green, los Socialdemocratas, los Ricos y los Pobres, los Con Voz y Sin Voz? Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan el Jet Set, los Reyes y Principes, Patricios y Plebeyos? Cuba desesperada clama por solidaridad.
Donde Bob Dylan, donde Martin Luther King, donde Hollywood y sus estrellas? Donde la Middle Class democrata y conservadora, o acaso tambien liberal a ratos? Y Gandhi? Y el Dios de Todos?
Donde los Santos y Virgenes; los Dioses de Cristianos, Protestantes, Musulmanes, Budistas, Testigos de Jehova y Adventistas del Septimo Dia. Donde estan Ochun y todas las deidades del Panteon Yoruba que no acuden a nuestro llanto? Donde Juan Pablo II que no exige mas que Cuba se abra al Mundo y que el Mundo se abra a Cuba?
Que hacen ahora mismo Alberto de Monaco y el Principe Felipe que no los escuchamos? Donde Madonna, donde Angelina Jolie y sus adoptados around de world; o nos hara falta un Brando erguido en un Oscar por Cuba? Donde Sean Penn?
Donde esta la Aristocracia Obrera y los Obreros menos Aristocraticos, donde los Working Class que no estan junto a un pueblo que lanquidece, sufre y llora por la ignominia?
Que hacen ahora mismo Zapatero y Rajoy que no los escuchamos, y Harper y Dion, e Hillary y Obama; donde McCain que no los escuchamos? Y los muertos? Y los que estan muriendo? Y los que van a morir? Y los que se lanzan desesperados al mar?
Donde estan el minero cantabrico o el pescador de percebes gijonese? Los Canarios donde estan? A los africanos no los oimos, y a los australianos con su acento de hombres duros tampoco. Y aquellos chinos milenarios de Canton que fundaron raices eternas en la Isla? Y que de la Queen Elizabeth y los Lords y Gentlemen? Que hace ahora mismo el combativo Principe Harry que no lo escuchamos?
Donde los Rockefellers? Donde los Duponts? Donde Kate Moss? Donde el Presidente de la ONU? Y Solana donde esta? Y los Generales y Doctores? Y los Lam y los Fabelo, y los Sivio y los Fito Paez?
Y que de Canseco y Miñoso? Y de los veteranos de Bahia de Cochinos y de los balseros y de los recien llegados? Y Carlos Otero y Susana Perez? Y el Bola, y Pancho Cespedes? Y YO y TU?
Y todos nosotros que estamos aqui y alla rumiando frustaciones y resquemores, envidias y sinsabores; autoelogios y nostalgias, en tanto Louis Michel comulga con Perez Roque mientras Biscet y una NACION lanquidecen?
Donde Maceo, donde Marti; donde aquel Villena con su carga para matar bribones?
Cuba llora y clama y el Mundo NO ESCUCHA!!!

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