Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Espionaje. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Espionaje. Mostrar todas las entradas

viernes, enero 09, 2015

Espionaje de embajadas acreditadas en Cuba/Embajador cubano en Berlín Oriental(1988) condecora a oficiales de la Stasi

Jorge L. García Vázquez
Stasi-MININT Connection

 "los compañeros cubanos tienen la posibilidad de obtener directamente los documentos, para decodificar y descifrar las radio-transmisiones diplomáticas, del interior de 22 Embajadas, entre ellas de la República Federal de Alemania, Inglaterra,Francia, Japón, Turquía,España,Argentina, Portugal, Austria, Suiza.....y en el marco de la colaboración ponerlos a disposición del Ministerio de la Seguridad del Estado...."

Audio:Archivos BSTU Vídeo: Prisión Central deInvestigaciones de la Stasi en Berlin/Archivo del autor/ http://stasi-minint.blogspot.ca/2015/01/espionaje-de-embajadas-acreditadas-en.html


sábado, marzo 08, 2014

Top U.S. Military Spy Chief: Have To Assume Russia Knows U.S. Secrets

War News Updates
Photo: Lieutenant General Michael T. Flynn, Director of DIA

Washington (CNN) -- In the world of military strategy, every contingency must be examined, especially the worst-case scenario.

Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn, the head of the Defense Intelligence Agency, made that clear when he told National Public Radio in an interview broadcast Friday how U.S. officials must plan for the possibility that Vladimir Putin's Russia has access to American battle plans and other secrets possibly taken by classified leaker Edward Snowden.

"If I'm concerned about anything, I'm concerned about defense capabilities that he may have stolen from where he worked, and does that knowledge then get into the hands of our adversaries — in this case, of course, Russia," Flynn said of the former National Security Agency contractor who fled to Moscow to seek asylum.

Read more >>

sábado, febrero 08, 2014

Quantum espionage

Will a future NSA quantum computer really be capable of cracking nearly every kind of encryption, as reported in The Washington Post (based on documents provided by former NSA contractor Edward Snowden)?
Not likely, say some experts. “Even if a quantum code cracker can be built, it might be defeated by encryption algorithms already in the works — or by another technology, called quantum key distribution, that relies on quantum mechanics itself for security, says Science Magazine staff writer Adrian Cho.
The latest leaked Snowden documents, however, also reveal that the NSA is attempting to exploit practical loops in QKD under a program known as “Owning the Net,” according to an article by Jon Cartwright in Physics World Feb. 2014 (the article will be freely available on Feb. 6).
“It seems improbable that the NSA could be that far ahead of the open world without anybody knowing it,” says Scott Aaronson, a theoretical computer scientist at MIT, according to the same Washington Post article.
And new public key algorithms, like “lattice methods” (under development at Georgia Tech), might also fend off a quantum computer, Cho notes.

sábado, enero 11, 2014

Control de las comunicaciones diplomáticas latino-americanas en Berlin a solicitud del MININT

Jorge L. García Vázquez

Stasi-Minint Connection

Oficina de Documentación

Alemania




El radio-control y espionaje de las comunicaciones por parte de la Seguridad del Estado de la República  Democrática Alemana  estaba a cargo del Departamento (Dirección) III.



Entre el Dpto. III y el Ministerio del Interior de Cuba existió una estrecha colaboración a través de la 9na (Radio-Contrainteligencia) y la 11na Dirección (Radio-Inteligencia).



Durante la investigación "Conexión Habana-Berlín" he revisado cientos de documentos desclasificado sobre este tema. La Stasi estuvo muy interesada en ampliar constantemente la cooperación operativa, casi siempre  con la previa autorización de Moscú. Una gran parte de las informaciones obtenidas por el monitoreo y espionaje  tenía la categoría de "muy secreto".



La Operación "Palma Real"  contra la Base Naval de Guantánamo fue parte importante de esta colaboración.



Uno de los primeros jefes de la 9na Dirección fue el Coronel Carlos Donate Amador  "Neno" hasta 1987.Trasladado como representante del MININT-DSE a Cabo Verde. Sustituido por el Teniente Coronel Juán Miguel Roque Ramirez, veterano agente y anteriormente jefe del Grupo Operativo del MININT en Berlín. Posteriormente recibió la jefatura el Mayor Enildo Sánchez Rodriguez, un ingeniero con alta calificación en radio-contrainteligencia.



El jefe de la 11na. Dirección era el Coronel Abelardo Prieto  Rodriguez . El General Männchen dirigía la Dirección III de la Stasi. Pienso que fue el hombre que más secretos, conjuntamente con el ex-jefe del espionaje exterior Markus Wolf,  se llevó a la tumba.



Las comunicaciones diplomáticas fueron vigiladas masivamente por el Dpto. III y  la Sección 26(chequeo telefónico. Interceptó mis llamadas telefónicas con la Embajada de EE.UU en 1987).



El 23 de junio de 1987 la Radio-Inteligencia cubana solicitaba  a l  Dpto. III el apoyo para obtener  los textos secretos y oficiales de las comunicaciones de embajadas latino-americanas acreditadas en Berlín, de los Agregados militares de Mexico, Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay, Colombia, El Salvador,Guatemala  , Honduras Perú y las circulares diplomáticas de Argentina y Venezuela(Agregado Militar y los mensajes cifrados de Brasil y Ecuador.

domingo, diciembre 01, 2013

RCMP arrest Ontario man for attempting to sell secrets to China

The RCMP have arrested a 53-year-old man for attempting to sell classified secrets to China.
The Mounties allege Qing Quentin Huang was attempting to pass information of a "classified nature" to China regarding Canada's shipbuilding procurement strategy.
The kind of information the suspect attempted to pass to the Chinese government involved the building of "vessels that protect our borders," said the RCMP.
More at The Globe and Mail >>

martes, noviembre 26, 2013

Penny Lane: CIA's secret facility made for double agents

Penny Lane: CIA's secret facility made for double agents
This Sept. 2, 2010 satellite image provided by TerraServer.com and DigitalGlobe shows a portion of Naval Station Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, including the secret facility known as Penny Lane, upper middle in white.

Washington:  In the early years after the September 11, 2001 attacks, the CIA turned some Guantanamo Bay prisoners into double agents and then sent them home to help the U.S. kill terrorists, current and former U.S. officials said.

The CIA promised the prisoners freedom, safety for their families and millions of dollars from the agency's secret accounts.

It was a risky gamble. Officials knew there was a chance that some prisoners might quickly spurn their deal and kill Americans.

For the CIA, that was an acceptable risk in a dangerous business. For the American public, which was never told, the program was one of the many secret trade-offs the government made on its behalf. At the same time the government used the risk of terrorism to justify imprisoning people indefinitely, it was releasing dangerous people from prison to work for the CIA.

The program was carried out in a secret facility built a few hundred yards from the administrative offices of the prison in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The eight small cottages were hidden behind a ridge covered in thick scrub and cactus.

The program and the handful of men who passed through these cottages had various official CIA code names.

But those who were aware of the cluster of cottages knew it best by its sobriquet: Penny Lane.

It was a nod to the classic Beatles song and a riff on the CIA's other secret facility at Guantanamo Bay, a prison known as Strawberry Fields.

Nearly a dozen current and former U.S officials described aspects of the program to The Associated Press. All spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the secret program publicly by name, even though it ended in about 2006.

Some of the men who passed through Penny Lane helped the CIA find and kill many top al-Qaida operatives, U.S. officials said. Others stopped providing useful information and the CIA lost touch with them.

When prisoners began streaming into Guantanamo Bay in January 2002, the CIA recognized it as an unprecedented opportunity to identify sources. That year, 632 detainees arrived at the detention center. The following year 117 more arrived.

"Of course that would be an objective," said Emile Nakhleh, a former top CIA analyst who spent time in 2002 assessing detainees but who did not discuss Penny Lane. "It's the job of intelligence to recruit sources."

By early 2003, Penny Lane was open for business.
Keep reading on NDTV >>

Hollywood mega-producer reveals double life as Israeli spy

martes, noviembre 19, 2013

Information on pro-democracy groups may have been intercepted by Cuba

HAVANA, Nov. 18 (UPI) -- Documents mistakenly sent to U.S. diplomats in Havana on an unsecure line may have provided Cuba with information about dissident groups there, officials say.The documents, from the U.S. Agency for International Development, were not classified as secret but contained details about a $6 million grant program, El Nuevo Herald reported Sunday.
The documents included applications from various non-governmental organizations in Cuba for a USAID program to train up-and-coming leaders of the groups. The applications were sent from Washington, D.C., to U.S. diplomats in Cuba for their review. U.S. officials fear the documents may have been intercepted by Cuban intelligence services.
One of the applicants, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the documents he submitted for the grant contained the complete history of his work with pro-democracy groups in Cuba, some names of possible trainees and where they might be trained.
USAID spokesman Karl Duckworth defended the error, noting that nothing about the program is even considered confidential.
"We simply carry out programs in a discreet manner to help ensure the safety of all those involved," he said.
A USAID contractor, Alan Gross, is serving 15 years in a Cuban prison for delivering three satellite telephones to Cuban Jews so they could have uncensored access to the Internet.
More than 20 agencies are believed to have applied for the funding by the Aug. 9 deadline. After the mistake was discovered, USAID said the NGOs could withdraw their applications if they considered the risks unacceptable. None did.
A few weeks later, every NGO received a letter from USAID saying their applications had been rejected.

ETECSA, un monopolio en bancarrota

Pablo Pascual Méndez Piña/
Pidiendo no ser identificado, un exoficial del Ministerio del Interior adujo: "Una de las razones que supuestamente justifica el freno a la ampliación telefónica en Cuba, es su obligatoria equivalencia con las capacidades de monitoreo de la dirección de contrainteligencia del MININT (CIN). El sistema de espionaje telefónico k1 y k2 debe ser garantizado al 100%, tal como lo consiguió la extinta Stasi en Alemania oriental".
Los servicios de internet también son espiados, aclaró la fuente. Sin embargo, el monitoreo no es encubierto, la Seguridad del Estado prefiere que los ciudadanos se sientan vigilados.
Continuar leyendo en Diario de Cuba >>

jueves, noviembre 07, 2013

Canada: The hidden costs of espionage

(Photo: Stuart Mackenzie/Getty)
Photo: Stuart Mackenzie/Getty)
In 2008 Brian Shields made a disturbing discovery. The security adviser to Nortel Networks, which would soon file for bankruptcy, had been investigating just how badly the company’s internal systems had been infiltrated by hackers. It couldn’t have been much worse—the hackers had even accessed the files of the company’s CEO, Mike Zafirovski. A group based in China, according to Shields, had been rifling through Nortel’s confidential material for about a decade, making off with proprietary information. His attempts to warn his superiors about the extent of the problem, he’s said, were mostly brushed aside. Shields went public about the extent of hacking at Nortel last year, speaking with the Wall Street Journal and then others, and has since given many talks at security conferences about the ordeal. He’s not shy about blaming the widespread hacking plot for contributing to the company’s demise, pointing out that China’s Huawei Technologies arose as a serious competitor soon afterward. (Huawei has repeatedly rejected any connection as false.)
The hacking at Nortel isn’t unique. In recent years Coca-Cola has been infiltrated by a group of hackers connected to the People’s Liberation Army in China, according to Mandiant, a security firm. The company said more than 100 of its clients had information stolen, and other companies, such as Google, have been vocal about similar problems. With each new revelation, governments must take these long-simmering risks more seriously. Which helps to explain a recent bombshell decision by Industry Minister James Moore: in a brief press release, the government announced that after conducting a national security review, it would not allow the proposed sale of Allstream, a division of Manitoba Telecom Services, to Accelero Capital Holdings. The only explanation for quashing the $520-million deal was a cryptic reference to a fibre-optic network operated by Allstream that services governments. Naguib Sawiris, the man behind Accelero, is based in Egypt and has business interests in North Korea, which may have raised red flags.
The rejection demonstrates just how important national security concerns are becoming in mergers and acquisitions, and how they crash headlong into the federal government’s stated openness to foreign investment. Nowhere is this tension greater than when telecommunications equipment is involved. It provides a gateway to track phone calls, e-mails, documents—essentially all kinds of data that reveal what a government or a company is up to. While 20 years ago protecting sensitive military outposts was necessary to deal with threats from other countries, safeguarding digital information is just as important today. So far, the government’s attempt to juggle security and foreign investment has only resulted in confusion. Sawiris, for one, has had it. “I am finished with Canada,” he told an English-language Egyptian news website recently. “The world is big, and my money can go anywhere.” With BlackBerry now courting bidders, finding a balance has never been more crucial. Erring in either direction could cost the country billions in either lost deals or lost intellectual property. Just a few careful tweaks to current vetting policies could be make-or-break for deals in the future.
Keep reading on canadianbusiness >>

jueves, septiembre 05, 2013

BREAKING NEWS: Cuba Spied on Terry McAuliffe « Cuba Confidential

With Bill & Hillary/
latimesblogs.latimes.com
Virginia Gubernatorial Candidate Likely Received Special Attention
By Chris Simmons
The Directorate of Intelligence, Cuba’s primary foreign intelligence service, spied on Terry McAuliffe before and during a four-day trade mission to Havana. The experienced politico undertook the trip in April 2010 as a personal quest to increase Cuban purchases of Virginia agricultural products.
Given the Directorate’s intimate understanding of the American political arena, it undoubtedly awarded McAuliffe a level of attention fair beyond normal business travelers since his return to politics was virtually assured. At the time of the Cuba visit, McAuliffe had recently failed in his 2009 gubernatorial bid. His earlier political efforts included running Hillary Clinton’s 2008 presidential campaign, service as DNC Chair (2001-2005) and co-chairing Bill Clinton’s 1996 re-election campaign.
Cuban targeting was likely triggered by McAuliffe’s trip preparation. More specifically, his meetings with Jorge Bolaños, the “retired” spy who headed the Cuban Interests Section in Washington, DC from 2008-2012. The CIA identified Bolaños as a suspected intelligence officer in the early 1970s. More recently, former Directorate of Intelligence (DI) Lieutenant Juan Manuel Reyes Alonso confirmed Bolaños’ intelligence service. He also opined that Bolaños’ multiple ambassadorial tours suggest that at some point he began working his cover identity more than his intelligence mission.
However, Reyes Alonso also noted that Bolaños maintained close ties with staff members of two of Cuba’s five spy services as well as the Superior Institute of Intelligence (ISI), where the regime’s civilian intelligence officers are trained. The de facto ambassador was also a close friend of (then) ISI Director, Nestor Garcia Iturbe, one of the regime’s top experts in targeting Americans. Normally, Cuban diplomats distance themselves from intelligence services because such ties can cripple their careers when counterintelligence services suspect them of being intelligence collaborators or undercover officers.
Upon arrival in Cuba, McAuliffe met with the leadership of the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Trade’s Empresa Comercializadora de Alimentos. Known as “ALIMPORT,” this government agency coordinates all overseas purchases and its director authorizes the import of products to Cuba. Significantly, the DI provides the ALIMPORT head and his staff with detailed biographical reporting on every member of a trade delegation, with emphasis on their personal strengths and weaknesses.
This sharing of biographic data with ALIMPORT “is a normal procedure of the Cuban Intelligence” according to Juan Antonio Rodriguez Menier, a former DI Major. Rodriguez Menier said the spy agency’s information is focused on any detail that can provide Havana an edge during negotiations with a foreign delegation.
His assessment is echoed by Reyes Alonso, who declared “Cuban Intelligence always does that with high government officials that will meet with foreigners, especially those coming from the US.” Having previously worked in the spy service’s “Science & Technology” department, Reyes Alonso told the Miami Herald earlier this year that the DI also recruited collaborators within ALIMPORT to “identify possible targets to do industrial and corporate espionage.”
McAuliffe and his entourage subsequently remained under Cuban Intelligence control when they stayed at the Hotel Nacional de Cuba. Featuring a staff rife with DI informants, the Hotel Nacional is known to be wired for video and audio surveillance of foreign guests.
Cuban Intelligence tradecraft also calls for recruitment efforts targeted against the close associates of important visitors. In this “one-off” technique, the DI or the Directorate of Counterintelligence seek individuals who – according to Reyes Alonso – “are usually more vulnerable, less visible and easier to follow up with at later times.” When successful, this approach provides indirect access to the targeted principal and opens the door for the new spy to follow their American mentor to higher positions in the future.
Agricultural Leaders Also Targeted
The Commonwealth’s food sales to Cuba have skyrocketed from $838,000 in 2003 to a record-setting $66 million in 2012. Virginia is now the second largest US exporter of agricultural products to the Caribbean island. As such, Cuba has also spied on Agriculture Secretary Todd Haymore and key members of the Farm Bureau, the USA Rice Federation, Purdue AgriBusiness, Smithfield Foods and Crown Orchards. Haymore – who, like McAuliffe, maintained a close working relationship with retired spy Jorge Bolaños — led his sixth annual trade mission to Cuba last November.
Editor’s Note: The author is internationally renowned as one of America’s foremost experts on Cuba’s intelligence services.

miércoles, septiembre 04, 2013

The Snowden Affair/ National Security Archive

Edited by Jeffrey T. Richelson/
Posted – September 4, 2013
On August 12, 2013, President Barack Obama announced (Document 118) the impending creation of a group to review U.S. signals intelligence capabilities and communications technologies. Its mandate would be to "assess whether, in light of advancements in communications technologies, the United States employs its technical collection capabilities in a manner that optimally protects our national security and advances our foreign policy while appropriately accounting for other policy considerations, such as the risk of unauthorized disclosure and our need to maintain the public trust." That same day, Director of National Intelligence James R. Clapper, Jr. announced (Document 119) that he would be establishing the review group and its final report would be due no later than December 15, 2013.
The catalyst for the president's announcement was an unexpected event that occurred just a little over two months previously. On June 5, a British newspaper, The Guardian, began publishing a series of articles disclosing highly classified aspects of, and documents about, certain National Security Agency (NSA) electronic surveillance operations involving not only extensive collection of foreign communications, including Internet traffic, but the collection of the metadata associated with phone calls (foreign and domestic) made by United States citizens. A few days later, The Guardian revealed its source to be Edward J. Snowden, a former CIA employee who had been working at a NSA facility in Hawaii as an employee of Booz Allen Hamilton.
On June 14, the United States filed a sealed criminal complaint against Snowden, releasing only one page (Document 74) to the public. Subsequently, Snowden departed Hong Kong, where he had been staying for the previous month (reportedly spending his final two days at the Russian consulate[1]), using a SAFEPASS (Document 83) issued by the Ecuadoran embassy in London. He arrived at Moscow's Sheremetyevo airport while seeking asylum elsewhere. While in Russia, he issued several statements (Document 97). During that time, the United States sought to discourage nations offering Snowden asylum and pre-emptively requested his extradition (Document 81) from at least one nation.
Snowden's potential movements also became the subject of a letter (Document 91) from his father's lawyer to Attorney General Eric Holder asking for three guarantees to encourage his son to return home, including that he would not be detained or imprisoned prior to trial. Subsequently, in response to reported claims that Snowden feared being tortured if he returned, Holder wrote (Document 105) to the Russian Minister of Justice, assuring him that Snowden would not be tortured or face the death penalty if he returned (or was returned) to the United States.

Director of National Intelligence James Clapper (Photo: ODNI)
The controversy that has erupted over Snowden and his disclosures is not the first time NSA has been at the center of controversy. In the 1970s, through leaks, investigative reporting, and congressional inquiries, the public learned of projects SHAMROCK and MINARET. The SHAMROCK program (1945-1975) involved several U.S. companies turning over the telegraphic communications that passed over their networks. Project MINARET "was essentially the NSA's watch list" and "used existing SIGINT accesses" to search for "terms, names, and references associated with certain American citizens." While MINARET officially began in 1969, the watch list activity had started at least as early as 1960, and did not originally involve American citizens. In 1975, The Washington Post reported that the watch list had included prominent anti-Vietnam war activists such as Jane Fonda and Benjamin Spock.[2]
In the 1990s, major concern arose — more overseas than in the United States — about a program designated ECHELON. That program involved the installation of software at a select number of "COMSAT Intercept" sites operated by what are today designated the "FIVE EYES" nations — the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. The sites intercepted the traffic flowing through communications satellites and the ECHELON software sorted through it (particularly printed fax transmissions), routing those containing pre-selected key words to analysts in whatever FIVE EYES nation had expressed interest. However, claims that ECHELON was a far more extensive global surveillance operation produced an international controversy and a European Parliament investigation.[3]
Perhaps the controversy around ECHELON would have had a significantly longer life had it not been for the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. But those events presaged the more recent controversies. In May 2006, USA Today published an article titled "NSA Has Massive Database on Americans' Phone Calls: 3 Telecoms Help Government Collect Billions of Domestic Records."[4] One lawsuit that followed was based on the claims of an AT&T employee (Document 11) concerning a special room containing surveillance equipment at an AT&T San Francisco facility.
However, there was a lack of official acknowledgment or leaked documents to support the claims. Thus, an August 2007 Congressional Research Service examination of the issue (Document 15) noted that "the factual information available in the public domain with respect to any such alleged program is limited and in some instances inconsistent, and the application, if at all, of any possible relevant statutory provisions to any such program is likely a very fact specific inquiry." The CRS study also stated that "It is possible that any information provided to the NSA from the telephone service providers was provided in response to a request for information, not founded on a statutory basis."[5]

National Security Agency headquarters (Photo: National Security Agency)
In contrast, the pre-August 12 disclosures in The Guardian, as well in The Washington Post and the Brazilian media, were based on a variety of document sources. Further, the online stories provided links to many of the key leaked documents, including an inspector general's report on the STELLARWIND Program (Document 23) — also known as the President's Surveillance Program (Document 24) — as well as Top Secret documents specifying procedures concerned with targeting (Document 25) and the 'minimization of data' about U.S. persons (Document 26). Also appearing on the web were selected slides from a 41-slide presentation (Document 55) on a program referred to as PRISM — involving the collection of Internet traffic from a variety of service providers — as well as a presentation on XKEYSCORE (Document 18), which sorts through intercepted traffic.
Along with the PRISM revelations, charges that the U.S. had bugged the facilities of European governments produced the greatest reaction in Europe — and the announcement (Document 95) of an investigation. However, the focus in the United States revolved around two programs, the Section 215 Bulk Collection Program and the 'PRISM' program, the latter based on Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 Amendments Act (Document 20).
Among the first documents The Guardian disclosed was a 4-page Top Secret 'Secondary Order' (Document 59) from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) that commanded Verizon Business Network Services to provide an electronic copy of two 'tangible' things: "all call detail records or 'telephony metadata' created by Verizon for (i) communications between the United States and abroad; or (ii) wholly within the United States." The government subsequently released a heavily redacted version of the Primary Order (Document 58) from the surveillance court.
The leak of documents concerning the Bulk Collection program had a number of consequences leading up to the review ordered by President Obama. The leaks provided new data on the evolution of the program (Document 12, Document 17), reporting to Congress (Document 28, Document 32), challenges by Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR) and others to the legal interpretations employed to justify the program (Document 10, Document 34, Document 63, Document 90a), as well as official reaction to those challenges (Document 37, Document 90b). The leaks also resulted in attempts by the government (Document 79, Document 92) to provide public reassurance — both with regard to the legality and utility of the program — including a single-spaced 22-page white paper (Document 115). Labeled "Administration White Paper" and lacking any specific agency source, the document seems to include the kind of legal language and justifications that would likely appear in the still-Secret Office of Legal Counsel opinions describing the government's legal bases for the programs. Such attempts also met with rebuttals ( Document 68) by those less convinced of the utility of the Bulk Collection effort.

Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR) (Photo: www.wyden.senate.gov)
Because of the leaks, DNI James Clapper had to provide various explanations (Document 71, Document 82) for his "no" response to a question Wyden had posed to him at a public hearing in March. Wyden had inquired whether the NSA collected "any kind of data at all" on millions or hundreds of millions of Americans.
In addition, there were amendments introduced in Congress that would have terminated the program — including Sen. Rand Paul's (R-KY) "Fourth Amendment Restoration Act" (Document 67) and an amendment (Document 101) by Representatives Justin Amash (R-MI) and John Conyers (D-MI) that would have prohibited funding for execution of any FISA order that did not limit collection to data that pertained to an individual who was the subject of an investigation. Objections to the amendment, which was ultimately defeated by the unexpectedly close margin of 217-205, came from Senate Select Committee on Intelligence chairman Dianne Feinstein (Document 106), the White House (Document 107), and DNI Clapper (Document 108).
The contrast between the Bulk Collection program and the Section 702 'PRISM' program was that there was little dispute that the latter had produced significant intelligence that could be employed in operations against terrorist activities. Still, disclosure of the program was accompanied by the publication of relevant, sometimes Top Secret, documents (Document 18, Document 25, Document 26, Document 55) that produced significant controversy. One element of controversy concerned the specifics of the involvement of key communications providers (e.g. Yahoo, Google, Facebook) in the program — particularly if NSA had direct access to their servers.

National Security Agency director Gen. Keith B. Alexander (Photo: National Security Agency)
A second source of controversy concerned a number of NSA claims made in a fact sheet it had posted on the Web about the 702 program (Document 78). The fact sheet sparked a letter from Senators Wyden and Udall (D-CO) (Document 85) to NSA director Keith Alexander with two objections. The senators wrote to dispute what they considered "an inaccurate statement about how section 702 authority has been interpreted by the U.S. government." In addition, they objected to the statement in the fact sheet that any inadvertently acquired communication concerning a U.S. person that was not relevant to the purpose of the intercept, or evidence of a crime, had to be promptly destroyed. They characterized the statement as "somewhat misleading in that it implies that the NSA had the ability to determine how many American communications it has collected under section 702, or that the law does not allow NSA to deliberately search for the records of particular Americans." In his response (Document 87), Alexander noted that "the fact sheet ... could have more precisely described the requirements for collection under Section 702." Shortly thereafter, the NSA removed both the Section 215 and Section 702 fact sheets from its website.
A number of disclosures and declassifications occurred subsequent to the president's August 12 announcement — primarily from The Washington Post and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence. Among the documents provided by Snowden to the Post was a Top Secret report (Document 44) on the Washington-based activities of the NSA's Signals Intelligence Directorate, with collection limitations imposed by Executive Order 12333, the FISA, and other regulations. Over the course of a year starting April 2011, it noted 2,776 incidents (2,057 related to the executive order and 719 with regard to FISA). The report attributed the incidents mostly to "roamers" (foreign targets that entered the United States), but they also involved cases of a lack of proper FISC authority, database queries, errors in tasking or detasking, and collection at international transit switches. The Post also first disclosed a 4-page document (Document 125) titled "Targeting Rationale," which focused on what information should, and should not, be provided to FISA Amendments Act "overseers."
On August 21, 2013, the Office of the DNI declassified a collection of relevant documents with Clapper providing an overview in a release letter (Document 123). Included in the documents were a directive on minimization (Document 38) — which was a more recent version of one of the documents that first appeared in The Guardian (Document 26) — as well as testimony before closed Congressional hearings (Document 41) and a semiannual compliance report (Document 113). In addition, there were three 2011-2012 opinions (Document 35, Document 40, Document 48) from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court. The first of the opinions had been the subject of a lawsuit by the Electronic Frontier Foundation. It noted that "one aspect of the proposed collection — the 'upstream collection' of Internet transactions — is in some respects, deficient on statutory and constitutional grounds." The subsequent opinions (Document 40, Document 48) discussed the adequacy of the government's response to the court's criticism.
Compliance violations had been noted several days before the release in a press briefing (Document 120) by John DeLong, NSA's director of compliance. His disclosures produced reactions from Senate intelligence chairman Feinstein and committee members Wyden and Udall. Feinstein stated (Document 122) that her committee had "never identified an instance in which the NSA has intentionally abused its authority to conduct surveillance for inappropriate purposes," while Wyden and Udall wrote (Document 121) that "we believe Americans should know that this confirmation is just the tip of a larger iceberg."
More:  http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB436/

lunes, agosto 26, 2013

How Snowden did it

www.newyorker.com
When Edward Snowden stole the crown jewels of the National Security Agency, he didn’t need to use any sophisticated devices or software or go around any computer firewall.
All he needed, said multiple intelligence community sources, was a few thumb drives and the willingness to exploit a gaping hole in an antiquated security system to rummage at will through the NSA’s servers and take 20,000 documents without leaving a trace.
“It’s 2013 and the NSA is stuck in 2003 technology,” said an intelligence official.
Jason Healey, a former cyber-security official in the Bush Administration, said the Defense Department and the NSA have “frittered away years” trying to catch up to the security technology and practices used in private industry.  “The DoD and especially NSA are known for awesome cyber security, but this seems somewhat misplaced,” said Healey, now a cyber expert at the Atlantic Council. “They are great at some sophisticated tasks but oddly bad at many of the simplest.”
As a Honolulu-based employee of Booz Allen Hamilton doing contract work for the NSA, Snowden had access to the NSA servers via "thin client" computer. The outdated set-up meant that he had direct access to the NSA servers at headquarters in Ft. Meade, Md., 5,000 miles away.
In a “thin client” system, each remote computer is essentially a glorified monitor, with most of the computing power in the central server. The individual computers tend to be assigned to specific individuals, and access for most users can be limited to specific types of files based on a user profile.
But Snowden was not most users. A typical NSA worker has a “top secret” security clearance, which gives access to most, but not all, classified information. Snowden also had the enhanced privileges of a “system administrator.” The NSA, which has as many as 40,000 employees, has 1,000 system administrators, most of them contractors.
As a system administrator, Snowden was allowed to look at any file he wanted, and his actions were largely unaudited. “At certain levels, you are the audit,” said an intelligence official.
He was also able to access NSAnet, the agency’s intranet, without leaving any signature, said a person briefed on the postmortem of Snowden’s theft. He was essentially a “ghost user,” said the source, making it difficult to trace when he signed on or what files he accessed.
If he wanted, he would even have been able to pose as any other user with access to NSAnet, said the source.
The “thin client” system and system administrator job description also provided Snowden with a possible cover for using thumb drives.
The system is intentionally closed off from the outside world, and most users are not allowed to remove information from the server and copy it onto any kind of storage device. This physical isolation – which creates a so-called “air gap" between the NSA intranet and the public internet -- is supposed to ensure that classified information is not taken off premises.
But a system administrator has the right to copy, to take information from one computer and move it to another. If his supervisor had caught him downloading files, Snowden could, for example, have claimed he was using a thumb drive to move information to correct a corrupted user profile.
“He was an authorized air gap,” said an intelligence official.
Finally, Snowden’s physical location worked to his advantage. In a contractor’s office 5,000 miles and six time zones from headquarters, he was free from prying eyes. Much of his workday occurred after the masses at Ft. Meade had already gone home for dinner. Had he been in Maryland, someone who couldn’t audit his activities electronically still might have noticed his use of thumb drives.
It’s not yet certain when Snowden began exploiting the gaps in NSA security. Snowden worked for Booz Allen Hamilton for less than three months, and says he took the job in order to have access to documents. But he may have begun taking documents many months before that, while working with the NSA via a different firm. According to Reuters, U.S. officials said he downloaded documents in April 2012, while working for Dell.
Snowden is thought to have made his initial attempt to offer documents to the media in late 2012, while at Dell.  According to published accounts, he tried to contact Guardian journalist Glenn Greenwald in December and started talking to filmmaker Laura Poitras in January.
He began working for Booz Allen in March. In May, he told his supervisor he needed to take time off to deal with a health issue, and then flew to Hong Kong, where he met with Poitras and Greenwald, on May 20. He later told the Guardian that he was downloading documents on his last day at work. The revelations based on his documents started appearing in the Guardian and the Washington Post within weeks.
Snowden is currently living in Russia, where he’s been granted temporary asylum. The U.S. government has charged him with theft and violations of the Espionage Act.
U.S. intelligence officials said recently that they plan to significantly reduce the number of individuals with system administrator privileges.
“U.S. intelligence has invited so many people into the secret realm,” said an intelligence official. “There are potentially tons of Edward Snowdens. But most people aren’t willing to vacuum everything up and break the law.”
The NSA did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Richard Esposito is the Senior Executive Producer for Investigations at NBC News. Matthew Cole is an investigative reporter at NBC News. He can be reached at matthew.cole@nbcuni.com.

sábado, agosto 03, 2013

Cuba podría haber accedido a datos sensibles de más de 80 millones de latinoamericanos

Las empresas de la isla han prestado servicios en Venezuela, Argentina o Bolivia para la elaboración de carnés de identidad y pasaportes
   CARACAS, 3 Ago. (EUROPA PRESS) -
   Las autoridades cubanas podrían haber manejado datos sensibles de más de 80 millones de latinoamericanos gracias a los servicios de implantación de identificación electrónica que ofreció a gobiernos latinoamericanos afines al chavismo y llevado a cabo a través de una red de empresas de exportación de productos informáticos.
   En 2007 Cuba y Venezuela llegaron a un acuerdo comercial por 172 millones de dólares (uno 129 millones de euros) para la implantación del documento de identidad electrónico venezolano, lo que abrió las puertas a empresas estatales de la isla para participar como intermediarios y proveedores en el mercado de documentos de identidad con chip.
   La negociación entre Caracas y La Habana, que nunca llegó a ser pública, permitió a Cuba, supuestamente, no sólo manejar datos sensibles de los venezolanos sino que constituyó una oportunidad para ampliar sus horizontes estratégicos.
   A partir de este acuerdo, las empresas cubanas tuvieron el visto bueno de otros países latinoamericanos afines a Venezuela, como Argentina y Bolivia, para poner en marcha el diseño y manejo de nuevos sistemas de identificación electrónica. Esto, en principio, les habría permitido gestionar los datos personales de más de más de 80 millones de ciudadanos en Latinoamérica, según informa el periódico venezolano 'El Universal'.
   "Hemos desarrollado una tecnología que nos ha permitido afrontar con éxito la seguridad de un país asediado", dijo Rolando Gómez, embajador de Cuba en Bolivia, cuando fueron presentados en La Paz los sistemas de emisión de pasaportes con chip, en 2012. En ese acto dijo que así lograron controlar la subversión. "Ha sido neutralizada a partir de nuestros propios sistemas de seguridad, mediante el control de entrada y salidas al territorio para ejercer plena soberanía", añadió.
   En Argentina, con el Sistema Federal de Identificación Biométrica para la Seguridad (Sibios) los datos biométricos de la población serán incorporados en un chip en el pasaporte y podrán ser utilizados y cruzados por todas las fuerzas de seguridad pero ya ha habido detractores que lo critican. "Argentina tiene el régimen de vigilancia más agresivo de todos los Estados latinoamericanos de tamaño mediano", alertó Julian Assange, fundador de WikiLeaks, el pasado julio.
   En Bolivia, los técnicos cubanos, venidos bajo varias compañías, recalaron en 2009 para poner en marcha un censo electoral con datos biométricos que incluía las huellas y señas físicas de los ciudadanos y posteriormente la elaboración de los pasaportes electrónicos. En 2012, Bolivia volvió a contar con los servicios cubanos para la provisión de software, licencias y hardware especializado para el Sistema Migratorio Nacional que ayudasen a detectar aquellos provenientes de "países de riesgo", así como registrar las entradas y salidas de extranjeros que estuvieran en "listas negras de instituciones bolivianas u organismos internacionales".
   Esta red de compañías públicas de exportación de productos informáticos dependen del Ministerio de Informática y Comunicaciones, que primero estuvo bajo el mando del general Ramiro Valdés, considerado el artífice de los sistemas de inteligencia política cubanos. Otras compañías están adscritas al Ministerio de Interior cubano, al cual le reporta la Dirección General de Inteligencia, conocida como G2, servicio considerado por expertos como uno de los cinco mejor entrenados del mundo.
   Los detractores de estas colaboraciones ponen en entredicho que los cubanos se limiten a ofrecer a los gobiernos herramientas para la preservación del orden y la seguridad ciudadana.
   "Estas compañías forman parte de una estrategia cubana para extender sus redes de inteligencia en la región y son en realidad una fachada del G2 que les permite tener control de los sistemas de emisión de documentos de identidad con lo cual pueden otorgárselos a cualquiera", señala el exasesor del Ministerio del Interior, Justicia y Paz de Venezuela Anthony Daquin, quien participó en los procesos de selección de los proveedores para la cédula y pasaporte electrónicos y ahora, según él mismo, se encuentra perseguido por Caracas por sus críticas al supuesto tutelaje cubano.

miércoles, julio 17, 2013

Mark Zuckerberg Runs A Giant Spy Machine In Palo Alto, California

mark zuckerberg facebook
REUTERS/Jim Young
Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg arrives for the start of a town hall meeting with U.S. President Barack Obama at Facebook Headquarters in Palo Alto, California April 20, 2011.

Mark Zuckerberg runs a giant spy machine in Palo Alto*, California. He wasn’t the first to build one, but his was the best, and every day hundreds of thousands of people upload the most intimate details of their lives to the Internet. The real coup wasn’t hoodwinking the public into revealing their thoughts, closest associates, and exact geographic coordinates at any given time. Rather, it was getting the public to volunteer that information. Then he turned off** the privacy settings.
[**Editor's note: Facebook disputes the notion that it has "turned off" its privacy settings. We have provided a statement from the company at the bottom of this post.]
“People have really gotten comfortable not only sharing more information and different kinds, but more openly and with more people,” said Zuckerberg after moving 350 million people into a glass privacy ghetto. “That social norm is just something that has evolved over time.”
If the state had organized such an information drive, protestors would have burned down the White House. But the state is the natural beneficiary of this new “social norm.” Today, that information is regularly used in court proceedings and law enforcement. There is no need for warrants or subpoenas. Judges need not be consulted. The Fourth Amendment does not come into play. Intelligence agencies don't have to worry about violating laws protecting citizenry from wiretapping and information gathering. Sharing information “more openly” and with “more people” is a step backward in civil liberties. And spies, whether foreign or domestic, are “more people,” too.
Julian Assange, founder of WikiLeaks, knows better than anyone how to exploit holes in the secrecy apparatus to the detriment of American security. His raison d'être is to blast down the walls protecting state secrets and annihilate the implicit bargain, yet even he is frightened by the brazenness of Facebook and other such social networking sites:
Here we have the world’s most comprehensive database about people, their relationships, their names, their addresses, their locations and their communications with each other, their relatives, all sitting within the United States, all accessible to the U.S. intelligence. Facebook, Google, Yahoo — all these major U.S. organizations have built-in interfaces for U.S. intelligence. It’s not a matter of serving a subpoena. They have an interface that they have developed for U.S. intelligence to use.
It’s all there, and the Internet never forgets. But even if the impossible happened and the Internet did somehow develop selective amnesia, in the case of microblogging service Twitter, the Library of Congress has acquired every message ever posted by its two hundred million members. As Jeffrey Rosen wrote in the New York Times:
We’ve known for years that the Web allows for unprecedented voyeurism, exhibitionism and inadvertent indiscretion, but we are only beginning to understand the costs of an age in which so much of what we say, and of what others say about us, goes into our permanent — and public — digital files. The fact that the Internet never seems to forget is threatening, at an almost existential level, our ability to control our identities; to preserve the option of reinventing ourselves and starting anew to overcome our checkered pasts.
The U.S. government isn't the only institution to notice. Early in the military campaigns in Afghanistan and Iraq, soldiers of the social networking generation uploaded to their MySpace profiles pictures of camp life in the war zones. Innocuous photos of troops horsing around in front of tent cities, bunkers, outposts, motor pools, and operations centers circulated freely on what was then described as “a place for friends.”
The U.S. military soon realized that foreign intelligence services, sympathetic to America’s enemies and savvy to the social revolution, could collect these photographs by the thousands and build detailed, full-color maps of American military bases. During the Cold War, this would have required the insertion of first-rate spies, briefcases filled with cash, and elaborate blackmail schemes. In the age of radical transparency, all it would take is a MySpace account to know exactly where to fire the mortar round to inflict maximum damage on the United States.
The Marine Corps confirmed this in a 2009 directive. “These Internet sites in general are a proven haven for malicious actors and content are a particularly high risk due to information exposure, user generated content and targeting by adversaries.” The directive continued, “The very nature of [social networking sites] creates a larger attack and exploitation window, exposes unnecessary information to adversaries and provides an easy conduit for information leakage,” putting operational security, communications security, and U.S. military personnel “at an elevated risk of compromise.”
This type of clever thinking on the part of America’s enemies is not unique to this conflict. During the run-up to the Gulf War, foreign intelligence services had a pretty good idea that the U.S. war machine was preparing for its most substantial engagement since Vietnam. The U.S. military recognized a new kind of threat — one that didn’t require foreign intelligence to insert an agent onto every base in the Republic. Open source information could be just as dangerous. Spikes in late-night orders from pizzerias near key military bases and an exceptionally busy parking lot at the Pentagon could tell hostile powers everything they needed to know.
In determining what should remain secret and what should not, the military — like each component of the American secrecy apparatus — is good at overreaction. The default answer: more secrets. To counter the MySpace problem, they banned blogs and social networks. This benefitted base security but killed morale at home. No longer could parents see their young sons and daughters safe — and even happy — in the war zone. All that remained were breathless reports of intense combat on the cable news networks. And while the average supply clerk is probably safer in Baghdad than in Detroit, every parent and spouse saw the same thing: a son or daughter in a flag-draped casket.
In 2010, the Department of Defense revised and consolidated its ad hoc policy on social media. On its official website it declared, “Service members and [Department of Defense] employees are welcome and encouraged to use new media to communicate with family and friends — at home stations or deployed,” but warned, “it’s important to do it safely.”)
From "Deep State: Inside the Government Secrecy Industry" by journalists Marc Ambinder and D.B. Grady. Reprinted with permission from D.B. Grady.
*"When the book was actually written, they were still in Palo Alto." - D.B. Grady
In a statement to Business Insider, Facebook notes:
"In reality we spend a lot of time building privacy controls, and working to make them powerful, easy to use, and also educating our users on them. For example:
- (in the same post) In-product education about privacy that we did in December: http://newsroom.fb.com/News/547/Better-Controls-for-Managing-Your-Content 
- Recent flyout in the News Feed ahead of Graph Search that pointed to the new tools and highlighted how people could check their stuff: http://newsroom.fb.com/News/660/Expanding-Graph-Search-Beta"
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Retratos de fusilados por el Castrismo - Juan Abreu

"Hablame"

"EN TIEMPOS DIFÍCILES" - Heberto Padilla

A aquel hombre le pidieron su tiempo

para que lo juntara al tiempo de la Historia.

Le pidieron las manos,

porque para una época difícil

nada hay mejor que un par de buenas manos.

Le pidieron los ojos

que alguna vez tuvieron lágrimas

para que contemplara el lado claro

(especialmente el lado claro de la vida)

porque para el horror basta un ojo de asombro.

Le pidieron sus labios

resecos y cuarteados para afirmar,

para erigir, con cada afirmación, un sueño

(el-alto-sueño);

le pidieron las piernas

duras y nudosas

(sus viejas piernas andariegas),

porque en tiempos difíciles

¿algo hay mejor que un par de piernas

para la construcción o la trinchera?

Le pidieron el bosque que lo nutrió de niño,

con su árbol obediente.

Le pidieron el pecho, el corazón, los hombros.

Le dijeron

que eso era estrictamente necesario.

Le explicaron después

que toda esta donación resultaria inútil.

sin entregar la lengua,

porque en tiempos difíciles

nada es tan útil para atajar el odio o la mentira.

Y finalmente le rogaron

que, por favor, echase a andar,

porque en tiempos difíciles

esta es, sin duda, la prueba decisiva.

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La columna de Cubanalisis

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]
¨Saturno jugando con sus hijos¨/ Pedro Pablo Oliva

Seguidores

Carta desde la carcel de Fidel Castro Ruz

“…después de todo, para mí la cárcel es un buen descanso, que sólo tiene de malo el que es obligatorio. Leo mucho y estudio mucho. Parece increíble, las horas pasan como si fuesen minutos y yo, que soy de temperamento intranquilo, me paso el día leyendo, apenas sin moverme para nada. La correspondencia llega normalmente…”

“…Como soy cocinero, de vez en cuando me entretengo preparando algún pisto. Hace poco me mandó mi hermana desde Oriente un pequeño jamón y preparé un bisté con jalea de guayaba. También preparo spaghettis de vez en cuando, de distintas formas, inventadas todas por mí; o bien tortilla de queso. ¡Ah! ¡Qué bien me quedan! por supuesto, que el repertorio no se queda ahí. Cuelo también café que me queda muy sabroso”.
“…En cuanto a fumar, en estos días pasados he estado rico: una caja de tabacos H. Upman del doctor Miró Cardona, dos cajas muy buenas de mi hermano Ramón….”.
“Me voy a cenar: spaghettis con calamares, bombones italianos de postre, café acabadito de colar y después un H. Upman #4. ¿No me envidias?”.
“…Me cuidan, me cuidan un poquito entre todos. No le hacen caso a uno, siempre estoy peleando para que no me manden nada. Cuando cojo el sol por la mañana en shorts y siento el aire de mar, me parece que estoy en una playa… ¡Me van a hacer creer que estoy de vacaciones! ¿Qué diría Carlos Marx de semejantes revolucionarios?”.

Quotes

¨La patria es dicha de todos, y dolor de todos, y cielo para todos, y no feudo ni capellaní­a de nadie¨ - Marti

"No temas ni a la prision, ni a la pobreza, ni a la muerte. Teme al miedo"
-
Giacomo Leopardi

¨Por eso es muy importante, Vicky, hijo mío, que recuerdes siempre para qué sirve la cabeza: para atravesar paredes¨Halvar de Flake [El vikingo]

"Como no me he preocupado de nacer, no me preocupo de morir" - Lorca

"Al final, no os preguntarán qué habéis sabido, sino qué habéis hecho" - Jean de Gerson

"Si queremos que todo siga como está, es necesario que todo cambie" - Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa

"Todo hombre paga su grandeza con muchas pequeñeces, su victoria con muchas derrotas, su riqueza con múltiples quiebras" - Giovanni Papini


"Life is what happens while you are busy making other plans" - John Lennon

"Habla bajo, lleva siempre un gran palo y llegarás lejos" - Proverbio Africano

"No hay medicina para el miedo" - Proverbio escoces

"El supremo arte de la guerra es doblegar al enemigo sin luchar"
- Sun Tzu

"You do not really understand something unless you can explain it to your grandmother" - Albert Einstein

"It is inaccurate to say I hate everything. I am strongly in favor of common sense, common honesty, and common decency. This makes me forever ineligible for public office" - H. L. Menken

"I swore never to be silent whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation. We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented" - Elie Wiesel

"Stay hungry, stay foolish" -
Steve Jobs

"If you put the federal government in charge of the Sahara Desert , in five years ther'ed be a shortage of sand" - Milton Friedman

"The tragedy of modern man is not that he knows less and less about the meaning of his own life, but that it bothers him less and less" - Vaclav Havel

"No se puede controlar el resultado, pero si lo que uno haga para alcanzarlo" -
Vitor Belfort [MMA Fighter]

Liborio

Liborio
A la puerta de la gloria está San Pedro sentado y ve llegar a su lado a un hombre de cierta historia. No consigue hacer memoria y le pregunta con celo: ¿Quién eras allá en el suelo? Era Liborio mi nombre. Has sufrido mucho, hombre, entra, te has ganado el cielo.

Para Raul Castro

Cuba ocupa el penultimo lugar en el mundo en libertad economica solo superada por Corea del Norte.

Cuba ocupa el lugar 147 entre 153 paises evaluados en "Democracia, Mercado y Transparencia 2007"

Cuando vinieron

Cuando vinieron a buscar a los comunistas, Callé: yo no soy comunista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los sindicalistas, Callé: yo no soy sindicalista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los judíos, Callé: yo no soy judío. Cuando vinieron a buscar a los católicos, Callé: yo no soy “tan católico”.
Cuando vinieron a buscarme a mí, Callé: no había quien me escuchara.

Reverendo Martin Niemöller

Martha Colmenares

Martha Colmenares
Un sitio donde los hechos y sus huellas nos conmueven o cautivan
Bloggers Unite

CUBA LLORA Y EL MUNDO Y NOSOTROS NO ESCUCHAMOS

Donde esta el Mundo, donde los Democratas, donde los Liberales? El pueblo de Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan los Green, los Socialdemocratas, los Ricos y los Pobres, los Con Voz y Sin Voz? Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan el Jet Set, los Reyes y Principes, Patricios y Plebeyos? Cuba desesperada clama por solidaridad.
Donde Bob Dylan, donde Martin Luther King, donde Hollywood y sus estrellas? Donde la Middle Class democrata y conservadora, o acaso tambien liberal a ratos? Y Gandhi? Y el Dios de Todos?
Donde los Santos y Virgenes; los Dioses de Cristianos, Protestantes, Musulmanes, Budistas, Testigos de Jehova y Adventistas del Septimo Dia. Donde estan Ochun y todas las deidades del Panteon Yoruba que no acuden a nuestro llanto? Donde Juan Pablo II que no exige mas que Cuba se abra al Mundo y que el Mundo se abra a Cuba?
Que hacen ahora mismo Alberto de Monaco y el Principe Felipe que no los escuchamos? Donde Madonna, donde Angelina Jolie y sus adoptados around de world; o nos hara falta un Brando erguido en un Oscar por Cuba? Donde Sean Penn?
Donde esta la Aristocracia Obrera y los Obreros menos Aristocraticos, donde los Working Class que no estan junto a un pueblo que lanquidece, sufre y llora por la ignominia?
Que hacen ahora mismo Zapatero y Rajoy que no los escuchamos, y Harper y Dion, e Hillary y Obama; donde McCain que no los escuchamos? Y los muertos? Y los que estan muriendo? Y los que van a morir? Y los que se lanzan desesperados al mar?
Donde estan el minero cantabrico o el pescador de percebes gijonese? Los Canarios donde estan? A los africanos no los oimos, y a los australianos con su acento de hombres duros tampoco. Y aquellos chinos milenarios de Canton que fundaron raices eternas en la Isla? Y que de la Queen Elizabeth y los Lords y Gentlemen? Que hace ahora mismo el combativo Principe Harry que no lo escuchamos?
Donde los Rockefellers? Donde los Duponts? Donde Kate Moss? Donde el Presidente de la ONU? Y Solana donde esta? Y los Generales y Doctores? Y los Lam y los Fabelo, y los Sivio y los Fito Paez?
Y que de Canseco y Miñoso? Y de los veteranos de Bahia de Cochinos y de los balseros y de los recien llegados? Y Carlos Otero y Susana Perez? Y el Bola, y Pancho Cespedes? Y YO y TU?
Y todos nosotros que estamos aqui y alla rumiando frustaciones y resquemores, envidias y sinsabores; autoelogios y nostalgias, en tanto Louis Michel comulga con Perez Roque mientras Biscet y una NACION lanquidecen?
Donde Maceo, donde Marti; donde aquel Villena con su carga para matar bribones?
Cuba llora y clama y el Mundo NO ESCUCHA!!!

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