CONTRA EL PINGALISMO CASTRISTA/ "Se que no existe el consuelo que no existe la anhelada tierrra de mis suenos ni la desgarrada vision de nuestros heroes. Pero te seguimos buscando, patria,..." - Reinaldo Arenas

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jueves, diciembre 11, 2014

Tito's Murder Squads in Germany



Robert Zagajski stands in a barren field on the outskirts of Munich and stares at the spot where his father's lifeless and beaten body was discovered in 1983. He was just 17 at the time of his father's murder, but the terror of that day still lingers. "This place symbolizes suffering for me," he confesses. As we witness in these opening moments from Tito's Murder Squads, the thrilling new documentary from directors Phillip Grull and Frank Hofmann, Robert's father Djuro was one of 30 victims in what is believed to be the longest series of unsolved murders in German history.
Much like the majority of the slain, Djuro was a Croat exile who stood in strong opposition to the socialist Yugoslavian regime, and sought sanctuary on German soil. There were many thousands of Yugoslavians just like Djuro, who were all anxious to take advantage of Germany's bustling economic promise, and flee the constrictions of their birth place beginning in the late 1960's. But for some, there was no escape, and their homeland followed them in the form of ruthless assassins sanctioned by the communist party and their leader Josip Broz Tito.
Tito's Murder Squads untangles this twisted tale with all the tension and intrigue of an international spy novel. The film tracks a complex investigation that has mystified and challenged German authorities for more than three decades. Their efforts are buoyed by the families of the victims, who struggle to find closure in their quest for justice.
That justice is hard fought, as investigators attempt to shed light on a large group of Yugoslavian spies who have long operated in shadow within Germany's borders. Uncovering reams of secret documents and featuring a series of chilling interviews with many of the key players on both sides of the story, the filmmakers remain vigilant in their pursuit to hold accountable both the members of the Yugoslavian secret service who signed the death warrants and the assassins who carried out these dirty deeds. It's a journey that continues to this day. But for people like Robert Zagajski , discovering the truth behind what was taken from him so long ago is well worth the wait.
They are among the longest unsolved murders in Germany: Up until the fall of the Berlin Wall, around 30 opponents of the Yugoslav regime were killed in the Federal Republic. Most of them were exiled Croats. The assassination orders came from Belgrade. For years, German investigators searched for the murderers and the people behind them. One of the masterminds was Josip Perkovic. German prosecutors believe the former high-level intelligence agent was responsible for the murder of Stjepan Djurekovic over 30 years ago. Now Perkovic has been indicted in Munich. Philipp Grüll and Frank Hofmann have been looking into this and many other cases. The result is a documentary as exciting as a thriller by John le Carré.

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lunes, noviembre 10, 2014

Riccardo el hombre que derribo el Muro de Berlín


Cuando el gobierno de la Alemania comunista fijó una rueda de prensa para el 9 de noviembre de 1989, nadie esperaba que, tan solo cuatro horas después, multitudes de personas pasarían la frontera hacia el oeste de Berlín. Fue ese acto informativo el que precipitó la caída del Muro de Berlín, uno de los hitos del siglo XX con el que se logró la reunificación germana. Hoy, 25 años después, Google recuerda en su doodle esta efeméride. Berlín es actualmente una ciudad cosmopolita y muy distinta a aquella brutalmente partida en dos durante casi tres décadas.
La confusión histórica que precipitó la caída del Muro de Berlín tuvo dos protagonistas, el portavoz alemán Günter Schabowski, miembro del Politbüro de la RDA, y, sobre todo, el periodista Riccardo Ehrman, corresponsal de la agencia italiana Ansa.
Los prolegómenos de la trascendental rueda de prensa habría que buscarlos en la cada vez más creciente demanda de libertad y democracia en la RDA, que había llevado a miles de alemanes del este a huir a occidente a través de Hungría, Polonia y Checoslovaquia. A lo largo de septiembre y octubre se suceden manifestaciones en Leipzig y en otras localidades alemanas en las que los concentrados clamaban Wir sind das Volk! (¡Nosotros somos el pueblo!). Medio millón protestaron en la céntrica Alexander Platz de Berlín oriental el 4 de noviembre contra lo que calificaban un sistema opresor y sin perspectivas.
La presión sobre la RDA se hizo insostenible. Erich Honecker, líder de la Alemania comunista, renunció el 18 de octubre y, en un intento de calmar los ánimos, el gobierno comunista diseñó una nueva ley para dar permisos de viaje al exterior sin condiciones previas que, en principio, entraría en vigor el 10 de noviembre. Pero la supuesta solución terminó precipitando los hechos en cuestión de horas.
En medio de una rueda de prensa ya histórica, convocada por el gobierno comunista para explicar la nueva norma, Riccardo Ehrman, quiso indagar más y repreguntó cuándo sería efectiva la ley. Lo que siguió forma ya parte historia. Schabowski, contrariado, rebuscó en sus papeles sin encontrar la fecha correcta e improvisó: «De inmediato». «Creo que fui el único que realmente entendió en ese momento lo que ocurría», cuenta Ehrman, que hoy tiene 84 años. «Salí de inmediato y mandé un teletipo a la central en Roma diciendo: 'Cayó el Muro'. Mis colegas pensaron: 'Riccardo se volvió loco'».
Pero Erhman no estaba loco. La escena hizo que miles de personas se congregaran espontáneamente ante puestos fronterizos de Berlín. Antes de la medianoche, las autoridades no tuvieron más remedio que abrirles el paso. El Muro que había separado Berlín y el mundo durante casi tres décadas se había derrumbado gracias a un gran malentendido, cinco horas de vértigo y miles de personas sedientas de libertad. «Que se dieran al mismo tiempo todos los factores que llevaron a la caída del Muro fue un golpe de suerte increíble», resumió el director de la Fundación del Muro de Berlín, Axel Klausmeier, al comentar las circunstancias que llevaron al final del gran símbolo del mundo bipolar de la Guerra Fría.
Así se avanzó en una noche histórica
Tras la rueda de prensa todo se precipitó en una intensa jornada. El Muro de Berlín vivía sus última horas. Esta es la cronología:
19:04 horas: La agencia Dpa envía un teletipo urgente anunciando: «Los ciudadanos de la RDA pueden emigrar por todos los pasos fronterizos de forma directa y desde este momento».
20:00 horas: El informativo de la cadena pública ARD comienza con este titular: «La RDA abre sus fronteras». El Parlamento de la Alemania occidental interrumpe su sesión. En la RDA, el comité central del partido único SED termina una reunión sin percatarse de lo ocurrido en la rueda de prensa de Schabowski.
21:20 horas: Miles de personas que fueron saliendo a la calle ya desde la conferencia de Schabowski se reúnen ante el paso fronterizo de la calle Bornholmer. Sin órdenes claras y sorprendida por la situación, la guardia fronteriza permite a algunos pasar al oeste invalidando su pasaporte, una «expatriación» de facto. Los primeros berlineses del este cruzan el Muro y son recibidos en el oeste con lágrimas y abrazos.
21:34 horas: El presidente de Estados Unidos, George Bush, reacciona con prudencia a las noticias que llegan de Berlín. En una rueda de prensa se muestra «encantado», pero responde meditativo y cauto.
23:00 horas: Aumenta la presión en el cruce de la calle Bornholmer, donde miles de personas gritan: «¡Abajo el Muro!». Sin disparar un tiro, los oficiales del cruce abren las barreras y suspenden los controles. En los 45 minutos siguientes cruzan al oeste alrededor de 20.000 ciudadanos de la RDA.
23:50 horas: El canciller alemán, Helmut Kohl, ofrece una rueda de prensa durante su visita a Varsovia y anuncia que interrumpe su viaje a Polonia. Al día siguiente vuela a Berlín.
00:02 horas del 10 de novuiembre: El informe de situación de la policía de la RDA señala que los ocho pasos fronterizos de Berlín están abiertos.
Desde la 1:00: Miles de berlineses del este y el oeste se unen ante la emblemática Puerta de Brandeburgo y trepan al Muro. Otros bailan y celebran en las cercanías. La policía de los dos Berlines vuelve a cerrar el acceso hacia las 3:30 horas.
8:00 horas: La RDA comienza a emitir permisos o visados para los viajes al oeste. Hasta el 11 de noviembre a las 13:00 horas se entregan 2,7 millones de visados.
9:30 horas: El alcalde de Berlín, Walter Momper, pronuncia un discurso en Bonn, capital de la Alemania occidental, en el que resume la sensación que recorre todo el país: «Anoche el pueblo alemán fue el pueblo más feliz del mundo».
Continuar leyendo aqui >>  
----------------------
Mas detalles sobre Riccardo Erhman aqui >>  

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sábado, noviembre 08, 2014

The Fall of the Berlin Wall, 25th Anniversary

In this Nov. 11, 1989, photo, East German border guards are seen through a gap in the Berlin wall after demonstrators pulled down a segment of it at Brandenburg gate. (LIONEL CIRONNEAU/Associated Press)
Documents show accident and contingency, anxiety in world capitals
East German crowds led the way, with help from Communist fumbles, self-fulfilling TV coverage, Hungarian reformers, Czechoslovak pressure, and Gorbachev's non-violence
National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 490
Posted November 9, 2014
For more information contact:
Thomas Blanton and Svetlana Savranskaya - 202/994-7000, nsarchiv@gwu.edu
---------------- 

Washington, DC, November 9, 2014 The iconic fall of the Berlin Wall 25 years ago today shocked international leaders from Washington to Moscow, London to Warsaw, as East German crowds took advantage of Communist Party fumbles to break down the Cold War's most symbolic barrier, according to formerly secret documents from Soviet, German, U.S., Czechoslovak and Hungarian files posted today by the National Security Archive at George Washington University (www.nsarchive.org).
The historic events of the night of November 9, 1989 came about from accident and contingency, rather than conspiracy or strategy, according to the documents. Crowds of East Berliners, already conditioned by months of refugee flights to the West and weeks of peaceful mass protests in cities like Leipzig, seized on media reports of immediate changes in travel restrictions — based on a bumbled briefing by a Politburo member, Gunter Schabowski — and inundated the Wall's checkpoints demanding passage. Television coverage of the first crossing that yielded to the self-fulfilling media prophecy then created a multiplier effect and more crowds came, ultimately to dance on the Wall.
The documents show that the actual collapse of the Wall began with Hungarian Communist reformers who proposed in early 1989 to open their borders to the West, while seeking particularly West German foreign investment to solve Hungary's economic crisis. Hungarian Communist leaders checked in with Soviet general secretary Mikhail Gorbachev in March 1989, letting him know they planned to take down the barbed wire; and Gorbachev — true to his "common European home" rhetoric — responded only that "we have a strict regime on our borders, but we are also becoming more open." (Document 1) The Hungarian decision sparked a stream and then a flood of East German refugees.

Abandoned East German Trabants
line the streets of Prague.
Gorbachev himself unintentionally gave a signal that the Wall could fall in his press conference on June 15, 1989 after a successful visit to West Germany, where in response to a question about the Wall, he said that "nothing [was] permanent under the Moon" and connected German rapprochement to the building of the common European home. In fact, his conversations with Kohl and other members of the West German government created a real breakthrough in Soviet-FRG relations, which would stand Kohl in good stead in the difficult reunification talks during the next year (Document 2). Gorbachev especially reinforced the theme of European unity in his speech to the European Parliament in Strasbourg where he presented his vision of the common European home on July 7, 1989. After speaking about an essentially united Europe based on universal human values, it would be hard to argue in favor of its continued division.
By August 1989, the Hungarian-initiated refugee crisis had become so acute that the West German embassy in Budapest had to shut down, unable to handle the hundreds of East Germans camped out there for visas. On August 19, Hungarian reformers even hosted a "Pan-European picnic" near the Austrian border, after which some 300 East Germans high-tailed across the former Iron Curtain. The subsequent negotiations on August 25, 1989 between Hungarian Communist leaders with West German chancellor Helmut Kohl and foreign minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher show the Hungarian calculation that only the deutschmark could save them, and by mid-September the Hungarians lifted all East-West controls (Document 3).

East German demonstrators take to the streets in Leipzig, October 9, 1989.
Other world leaders were not at all eager for the Wall to fall, notably the British prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, who told Gorbachev on September 23 to ignore those NATO communiqués about German unification, that even her buddy, U.S. president George H. W. Bush opposed that kind of change (she would be wrong, when the time came. See document 4). As Gorbachev later commented to his Politburo on November 3, the West did not want German unification, but it wanted to prevent it "with our hands, to push us against the FRG" so as to head off any future Soviet-German cooperation — but Gorbachev believed European integration was the ultimate solution to Soviet economic problems (Document 6).
Czechoslovakia was closer to East Germany than Hungary was, and after Hungary opened its gates, Prague quickly filled with East Germans willing to dump their Trabant cars in the streets for a chance to clamber over an embassy wall and flee to the West. By November 8, Prague had become so choked with East Germans that the hard-line Czechoslovak Communist Party's Central Committee made a demarche to East Berlin demanding they open their borders — a moment of pressure from fellow Communists that played a key role in the East German party's decision to announce revised travel regulations the next day (Document 7).
The draft regulations were full of temporizing language and largely intended to let off steam while kicking the emigrant problem down the road. East Germans would have to apply for visas, and the vast majority who lacked passports would have to wait even longer for those. But the presentation of the new regulations came at the very end of a botched press conference from 6 to 7 p.m. Berlin time on November 9 by SED Politburo member Gunter Schabowski, who did not know the back story, the hedges, the limitations meant by the drafters of the documents. Visibly rattled from the shouted questions about travel and the Wall, Schabowski read from his briefing papers the words "immediately, without delay" when asked about the timing of the changes that would allow any East German to emigrate (Document 9).
Television news and the wire services as well promptly announced the opening of the borders, and in a kind of self-fulfilling prophecy reinforced by TV coverage, crowds of East Germans massed at the border crossings and ultimately persuaded the senior official at the largest inner-city checkpoint at Bornholmer Strasse to open the gates (a story told in fresh detail by Mary Elise Sarotte in her new book, The Collapse: The Accidental Opening of the Berlin Wall). Once Bornholmer opened, other crossings soon followed; and within hours, people were chipping off souvenir fragments from the concrete panels formerly surrounded by a "death strip" in which earlier Wall jumpers had died.
So unexpected was the Wall opening that Helmut Kohl himself was not even in the country. Instead, the West German chancellor had gone to Warsaw to meet the new Solidarity leaders of that country, and work out some long-standing Polish-German tensions. The transcript of Kohl's discussions with Lech Walesa show the Polish leader complaining that events in East Germany were simply moving too fast, and even predicting, presciently, that the Wall would fall in a week or two — at which point Kohl would have no time (or money) for poor Poland (Document 8).
In Washington, the George H. W. Bush White House greeted the fall of the Wall not with joy or triumphalism (that would come much later, when the President was running for re-election in 1992), but anxiety and even fear about instability. When questioned by reporters why he did not show more elation, President Bush replied, "I am not an emotional kind of guy." (Document 10)
Bush's caution and prudence were appreciated in Moscow, where Gorbachev's messages to Kohl centered on preventing chaos and reducing instability, keeping "others within limits that are adequate for the time being…." (Document 11)
But at Gorbachev's side, his foreign policy adviser Anatoly Chernyaev in private let loose with one of the very few high-level expressions of real joy about the fall of the Berlin Wall. Chernyaev's diary entry for November 10, 1989 (Document 12) contains the coda for the demise of the Iron Curtain, "the end of Yalta" and the Stalinist system, and a good thing, about time, in Chernyaev's remarkable view.

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lunes, octubre 20, 2014

Buzludzha: A crumbling reminder of communism [Bulgaria]

The Economist
 

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domingo, agosto 03, 2014

La historia de Cuba y el engaño comunista (Documental)

USAHavana

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sábado, mayo 17, 2014

Los 70 años de 'Camino de Servidumbre'

Carlos Alberto Montaner
uel-peru.blogspot.com
Hace exactamente 70 años el economista austriaco Friedrich Hayek publicó Camino de servidumbre. El libro, un best seller en su tiempo, conserva (casi) toda su vigencia en esta América Latina nuestra que no aprende de sus errores ni olvida sus peores comportamientos. Tres décadas después de publicar su obra más conocida, la academia sueca le otorgó el Premio Nobel de Economía en 1974.
¿Qué dijo Hayek en su famoso libro? Algo muy importante: que la planificación centralizada por el Estado va en contra de las libertades y del progreso. Nos empobrece espiritual y materialmente.
¿Por qué? En esencia, aunque no lo explicó Hayek de esa manera, porque la libertad es el ejercicio pleno de la facultad que tenemos de tomar decisiones y construir con ellas nuestras vidas de acuerdo con nuestros valores, intereses y querencias.
Cuando el Estado decide por nosotros lo que supuestamente nos conviene, además de empobrecernos, nos genera un profundo malestar. Ese tipo de Estado deja de ser un conjunto de instituciones a nuestro servicio y bajo nuestras órdenes, y pasa a convertirse en nuestro amo y señor. Nos somete a la más vil servidumbre.
Sucedió en Cuba, como ha ocurrido siempre en los Estados totalitarios, cuando el gobierno estableció los libros que debíamos leer y los que debían ser destruidos. Cuando unos revolucionarios iluminados decidieron las verdades que ya habían sido establecidas y hasta el modo en que nos debíamos ganar la vida.
Incluso, escogieron las personas a las que debíamos querer o detestar, como ocurrió cuando se dio la orden de interrumpir los lazos con los “gusanos” que habían abandonado el país y se rompieron parejas, y padres, hijos y hermanos dejaron de hablarse. O cuando se persiguió a los homosexuales porque el Estado, cruelmente, había hecho metástasis a la zona afectiva y había decidido controlar las emociones de las personas para hacerlas felices y obligatoriamente “normales” mediante la reeducación que se lograba maltratándolas en los campos de caña.
Al margen de lo que Hayek escribió en Camino de servidumbre, hay un elemento esencial que mantiene la vigencia de la obra siete décadas después de haberse publicado. Del texto se desprende el rol que debe desempeñar el Estado en su relación con la sociedad, y, sobre todo, el que no debe jugar porque todos acabamos perjudicados.
No es verdad que el Estado, una entelequia manejada por personas, como todas, que tienen sus intereses, preferencias y clientelas políticas, es capaz de definir el “bien común” y actuar eficientemente y con sentido de la justicia. Lo demostró otro Premio Nobel de economía de la misma cuerda de Hayek, James M. Buchanan, con sus estudios sobre la “elección pública”.
No es verdad que el Estado debe elegir "triunfadores” y “fracasados” o asumir la función de repartidor de bienes para igualar los resultados del trabajo. Suele hacerlo mal, distorsiona y reduce el proceso de creación de riquezas y demoniza los logros económicos como si fueran actos vergonzosos.
Entre las decisiones sesgadas de los funcionarios convertidos en comisarios, supuestamente transformados en píos agentes de una improbable justicia social, y el mercado, conformado por las decisiones libres de millones de personas, el mejor resultado, el que suele conducir al desarrollo y eleva el nivel de vida de toda la sociedad, es el que se deriva del mercado que es, sin duda, una expresión de la libertad.
Al principio de esta nota subrayé que Camino de servidumbre conserva casi toda su vigencia. ¿En qué falla? Tal vez en suponer que el socialismo conduce inevitablemente al totalitarismo. No siempre es cierto. Los socialistas inteligentes aprenden de la experiencia y pueden rectificar.
Lo hicieron los suecos ante la crisis económica de los años noventa provocada por los excesos del Estado de Bienestar. Termino con un párrafo de Mauricio Rojas, un chileno del socialismo carnívoro que llegó a Suecia exiliado tras el golpe de Pinochet, allí adquirió un doctorado en economía, evolucionó intelectual y emocionalmente, y llegó a ser miembro del parlamento sueco representando al partido de los liberales.
Dice Rojas, hoy de regreso en Chile, muy preocupado por las medidas que está tomando la señora Bachelet:
“Sería muy lamentable emprender un camino, el del gran Estado-patrón, que otros han tenido que desandar. Se puede construir un Estado del bienestar distinto, que una la fuerza creativa de la competencia, la diversidad y el capitalismo con un profundo compromiso solidario, pero para ello no hay que dejarse llevar por las consignas de quienes creen tener la razón por el simple hecho de gritar más alto”.
-----------------
José Manuel González

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lunes, noviembre 04, 2013

Amis, Groys y Stalin en “El comunista manifiesto” — Iván de la Nuez

en respuesta a un lector, ivan sostiene la hipotesis [tesis?]: "Pero lo que el libro hace es seguir muchos elementos comunistas que renacen en Occidente una vez acabada la Guerra Fría. Y que no forman parte de una conjura comunista internacional, sino de una lógica de rentabilidad (estética, iconográfica, comercial, publicitaria) capitalista. Occidente “colonizó” y absorbió parte del comunismo mientras decía que lo estaba enterrando" [negritas y subryados -lg]; que constituye una manera muy coherente de reflejar una serie de acontecimientos y tendencias que discurren en las primeras decadas de este siglo xxi. bienvenido el reto al desempolvamiento neuronal.
Iván de la Nuez
(Comparto aquí el fragmento de un capítulo -”Stalin Neocon”-, que aparece en la tercera parte -”El cuerpo”- de El comunista manifiesto).
Cuando Zhou Enlai fue preguntado por la Revolución francesa, respondió que era “demasiado pronto para opinar”. Con respecto a Stalin, la izquierda de Occidente ha dado su opinión demasiado tarde.
Si el fantasma de Marx, con el que se inicia este libro, ocupa un lugar volátil en el presente, el cuerpo de Stalin está jalonado por un lastre demoledor que le obliga a caer hasta aplastarnos, digámoslo así, por su propio peso. Marx vaga como una metáfora que flota fuera del tiempo. Stalin encarna –como el título de Heberto Padilla, el más famoso de los poetas disidentes cubanos- “el justo tiempo humano” de su cronología, marcada por las decenas de millones de sus muertos.
Incluso para sus adversarios, Marx está lleno de “peros” (su sabiduría, su estatura como ensayista, el halo romántico de alguien que nunca dirigió un Estado). Con Stalin, hay pocos “peros” que valgan. Es más, no hay una sola virtud, ni una sola maldad, que supere la expansión mortífera de su proyecto.
Marx está más allá de la muerte. Stalin es la muerte misma.
Consideremos, si no, esta confirmación: los líderes del comunismo –de Ceaucescu a Fidel Castro, de Kadar a Honecker- pueden haberse permitido el lujo de ser malos marxistas, pero ninguno ha sido un mal estalinista. Ese georgiano, cuyo mostacho es tan reconocible como el bigotito de Hitler, es el rito de paso por el que cada líder del socialismo real debe pasar alguna vez en su vida para saber, de verdad, cómo es esto de llevar las riendas el poder.
Continuar leyendo en el sitio de Iván de la Nuez >>
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miércoles, septiembre 04, 2013

Djokovic, Cuba y la libertad

El Independent

Por Antonio Rivas
"Yo nací el 22 de mayo de 1987 en un país que ya no existe: la comunista Yugoslavia. Cuando has vivido bajo el comunismo por generaciones, como en el caso de mi familia, aprendes a aceptar que hay solo una forma de hacer las cosas. El gobierno y la sociedad en la que vives te dicen que hay una sola forma de vestir, una forma para hacer ejercicios, una sola forma de pensar. Y, por supuesto, una sola forma de comer". Novak Djokovic. Tenista número uno del mundo.
El párrafo anterior fue extraído de la revista Men s Fitness en su edición de septiembre 2013, a propósito de un cambio en el régimen alimenticio del atleta que le permitió convertirse, después de varios colapsos y fallos en torneos de relevancia, en el mejor tenista del mundo en la actualidad. Luego de leerlo pensé: "qué bueno que tuvo la oportunidad de elegir algo tan sencillo como qué comer, o nunca hubiera llegado adonde está".
Pienso inmediatamente en mi deporte favorito, el beisbol, y vienen a mi mente nombres como Yasiel Puig, Liván Hernández, Orlando Hernández, José Canseco, y una lista larga de peloteros cubanos que "desertaron" de la isla para buscar mejores horizontes como deportistas profesionales. Y en una breve investigación acerca del deporte en Cuba consigo un par de datos contundentes: Cuba es el país número 18 en el medallero histórico olímpico mundial y número uno entre países latinoamericanos (Brasil es el segundo, en el puesto 37),  es también el número 2 en la historia de los Juegos Panamericanos superado solo por EEUU con poco más del doble de medallas de oro (y casi 30 veces el número de habitantes). Números suficientes para evidenciar el destacado papel del deporte cubano a nivel mundial.
Como amante del debate y del choque de ideas comienzo a pensar ¿qué es mejor: el triunfo anónimo colectivo en nombre de un país o el éxito destacado de un individuo? Difícil de responder de buenas a primeras. Pero después de reflexionar al respecto, la respuesta, a mi juicio, es: depende, de lo que cada quien quiera.
No puedo desmeritar el esfuerzo de los atletas, entrenadores y autoridades cubanas por dejar en alto el nombre de su país en competencias internacionales. Pero basta leer la prensa de los últimos meses para encontrar nombres como José Dariel Abreu, Yozzen Cuesta, Misael Silveiro, Odrisamer Despaigne y Orlando Ortega, todos atletas cubanos que quisieron abrirse camino profesional lanzándose al mar o abandonando sus delegaciones mientras se encontraban en el extranjero, para entender que algo no está bien. Y  la razón de ser está en un principio elemental de los derechos humanos: la libertad para elegir.
Aplaudo los logros colectivos de un país, en cualquier disciplina o campo, pero no por ello se debe cercenar el derecho de un individuo a labrar su propio destino y decidir qué es lo que más le conviene. No se puede, por querer ennoblecer una causa nacional, restringir las libertades individuales por decreto, por ley, por política. Es innegable el orgullo patrio que se siente al ver a Pastor Maldonado, Miguel Cabrera, Juan Arango o cualquier deportista criollo triunfar aquí y afuera. Y no solo en el deporte, también vemos a Gustavo Dudamel triunfar y dejar el nombre de Venezuela en alto dirigiendo orquestas de alta jerarquía en Europa y Estados Unidos. Así que el triunfo individual y la gloria de un país no son excluyentes sino más bien complementarios. ¿Cuántos Gustavo Dudamel se han anulado en Cuba en las últimas décadas? Nunca se sabrá.
En conclusión, cualquier dogma político que intente limitar la capacidad de elección libre pierde fundamento inmediatamente, por muy loables que sean sus intenciones. No creo en un bien colectivo a fuerza de la pérdida de la identidad individual, porque sencillamente, somos personas y tenemos derecho a pensar libremente.  El bienestar y la gloria de un país deben construirse sobre la base de la libertad de sus ciudadanos y no a costa de ella.

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sábado, agosto 24, 2013

SHORT QUIZ on Communism

Six trivia questions to see how much history you know. Be honest, it's kinda fun and revealing. If you don't know the answer make your best guess. Answer all the questions (no cheating) before looking at the answers.
 
Who said it?
 
1) "We're going to take things away from you on behalf of the common good."
A. Karl Marx
B. Adolph Hitler
C. Joseph Stalin
D. None of the above

2) "It's time for a new beginning, for an end to government of the few, by the few, and for the few...... And to replace it with shared responsibility ,,,,,for shared prosperity."

A. Lenin
B. Mussolini
C. Idi Amin
D. None of the Above

3) "(We) ......can't just let business as usual go on, and that means something has to be taken away from some people."

A. Nikita Khrushev
B. Josef Goebbels
C. Boris Yeltsin
D. None of the above

4) "We have to build a political consensus and that requires people to give up a little bit of their own ... in order to create this common ground."

A. Mao Tse Dung
B. Hugo Chavez
C. Kim Jong Il
D. None of the above

5) "I certainly think the free-market has failed."

A. Karl Marx
B. Lenin
C. Molotov
D. None of the above

6) "I think it's time to send a clear message to what has become the most profitable sector in (the) entire economy that they are being watched."

A. Pinochet
B. Milosevic
C. Saddam Hussein
D. None of the above
 
Scroll down for answers

Answers:
(1) D. None of the above. Statement was made by Hillary Clinton 6/29/2004
(2) D. None of the above. Statement was made by Hillary Clinton 5/29/2007
(3) D. None of the above. Statement was made by Hillary Clinton 6/4/2007
(4) D. None of the above. Statement was made by Hillary Clinton 6/4/2007
(5) D. None of the above. Statement was made by Hillary Clinton 6/4/2007
(6) D. None of the above. Statement was made by Hillary Clinton 9/2/2005

Wanna know something scary? She may be the next socialist president if you don't forward this to everyone that you know.

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lunes, marzo 18, 2013

David Hasselhoff sings I've Been Looking for Freedom at the Berlin Wall... again

itnnews
David Hasselhoff sang to save a part of the Berlin Wall from developers who want to tear it down, 24 years after he helped to topple it.

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viernes, febrero 01, 2013

Fleeing Repression: Refugee camp for East Berliners in West Berlin [23 July 1961]

ciagov

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lunes, enero 14, 2013

Que que le dijo Putin al rusito?

como es habitual los medios 'americanos' siempre andan despistados. que que le dijo putin al rusito???; lo mismo que le han dicho a cientos de millones de personas incluyendo a los herederos chavistas ayer en la'bana: "si no te portas como yo espero de ti, no vas a tener oportunidad de arrepentirte".

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martes, diciembre 11, 2012

Head of Obama’s Jobs Council: ‘State-Run Communism’ Actually ‘Works’

The Blaze/  
If you were ever in doubt what type of thinking this administration fosters, this clip should put any debate to rest.
Appearing Monday morning on CBS, Obama’s jobs council head and the CEO of GE Jeffrey Immelt said that one thing that “actually works” is “state-run Communism” in China.
After host Charlie Rose brought up the “growth rate” of China falling from double digits to about eight percent, Immelt chimed in.
“Look, I think it’s good for China,” he said. “To a certain extent, Charlie, 11 to 12 percent is unsustainable. You end up getting too much stimulus or a misallocation of resources. They are much better off working on a more consumer-based economy, less dependent on exports, driving technology and innovation harder. Really, the one thing that actually works, state run communism may not be your cup of tea, but their government works.”
“They get things done,” Rose responded.
Watch it below:


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jueves, octubre 04, 2012

Eric Hobsbawm, The last intelligent Marxist

The Economist
His boyhood enthusiasm for the countryside, especially for its birds, never left him. His heart soared at the sight of a red kite or a hen harrier. He mourned how rarely he heard the song of the yellowhammer, “a-little-bit-of-bread-and-no-cheese”, on his hikes through the hills of mid-Wales to which he had retreated, close to the River Wye.
Eric Hobsbawm was a rare bird himself: “the last living Communist”, as he was teased at his 90th birthday party, and one of the last committed Marxist historians. He had become a Communist at secondary school in Berlin in 1932, and joined the party when he went up to his beloved King’s, Cambridge in 1936, because politics was his passion and it was either Hitler or the other side. But he remained for 50 years until Communism foundered, collapsing “so completely”, he wrote, “that it must now be obvious that failure was built into this enterprise from the start.” Why, then, had he stayed? Because he was of the generation that believed the October Revolution of 1917 was the great hope of the world; and he could not bear to betray either the revolution itself, or those who had fought for it.
There were testing moments, for sure. In 1956, after Soviet tanks crushed the Hungarian uprising and Khrushchev exposed the crimes of the Soviet past, Mr Hobsbawm’s embrace of Stalinism was revealed for the folly it was. Most of his intellectual friends left the party. He stayed, gradually regretting that he had remained an apologist for “Uncle Joe” for so long. But just as he kept his kneejerk political obsessions—supporting, for example, any team that played football against a country, like Croatia, that had a fascist fellow-travelling past—so he remembered the Soviet Union, horrors and all, with an indulgence he could not feel for China.
Alongside his Communism, he insisted on remaining a Marxist historian. Again, he was asked why. It put him in a ghetto, when he had rather cleverly—with his blue eyes, fair hair and English father—got through a childhood in interwar Vienna as der Engländer, rather than being labelled as the Jew he also was. That Marxist tag threatened to tarnish his reputation, when his lucid and scholarly books on what he called the long 19th century, from 1789 to 1914 (“The Age of Revolution”, “The Age of Capital”, “The Age of Empire”), on nationalism and on labour movements deserved, and won, an audience well beyond leftist circles and academe.
Defiant, Mr Hobsbawm championed Marx to the last. For his intellectual force; for his grasp of the world as a whole, at once political, economic, scientific and philosophical; and not least for his conviction, as relevant in 2008 as in 1848, that the capitalist system, with its yawning inequalities and naked greed, would inevitably—irresistibly—necessarily—be destroyed by its own internal tensions, and would be superseded by something better.  More >>

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viernes, septiembre 28, 2012

1963 Communist Goals [US Congressional Record]

From The Blaze
Congressional Record--Appendix, pp. A34-A35 January 10, 1963
Current Communist Goals
EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. A. S. HERLONG, JR. OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, January 10, 1963

facta-non-verba.blogspot.com
Mr. HERLONG. Mr. Speaker, Mrs. Patricia Nordman of De Land, Fla., is an ardent and articulate opponent of communism, and until recently published the De Land Courier, which she dedicated to the purpose of alerting the public to the dangers of communism in America.
At Mrs. Nordman's request, I include in the RECORD, under unanimous consent, the following "Current Communist Goals," which she identifies as an excerpt from "The Naked Communist," by Cleon Skousen:
[From "The Naked Communist," by Cleon Skousen]
CURRENT COMMUNIST GOALS
1. U.S. acceptance of coexistence as the only alternative to atomic war.
2. U.S. willingness to capitulate in preference to engaging in atomic war.
3. Develop the illusion that total disarmament [by] the United States would be a demonstration of moral strength.
4. Permit free trade between all nations regardless of Communist affiliation and regardless of whether or not items could be used for war.
5. Extension of long-term loans to Russia and Soviet satellites.
6. Provide American aid to all nations regardless of Communist domination.
7. Grant recognition of Red China. Admission of Red China to the U.N.
8. Set up East and West Germany as separate states in spite of Khrushchev's promise in 1955 to settle the German question by free elections under supervision of the U.N.
9. Prolong the conferences to ban atomic tests because the United States has agreed to suspend tests as long as negotiations are in progress.
10. Allow all Soviet satellites individual representation in the U.N.
11. Promote the U.N. as the only hope for mankind. If its charter is rewritten, demand that it be set up as a one-world government with its own independent armed forces. (Some Communist leaders believe the world can be taken over as easily by the U.N. as by Moscow. Sometimes these two centers compete with each other as they are now doing in the Congo.)
12. Resist any attempt to outlaw the Communist Party.
13. Do away with all loyalty oaths.
14. Continue giving Russia access to the U.S. Patent Office.
15. Capture one or both of the political parties in the United States.
16. Use technical decisions of the courts to weaken basic American institutions by claiming their activities violate civil rights.
17. Get control of the schools. Use them as transmission belts for socialism and current Communist propaganda. Soften the curriculum. Get control of teachers' associations. Put the party line in textbooks.
18. Gain control of all student newspapers.
19. Use student riots to foment public protests against programs or organizations which are under Communist attack.
20. Infiltrate the press. Get control of book-review assignments, editorial writing, policymaking positions.
21. Gain control of key positions in radio, TV, and motion pictures.
22. Continue discrediting American culture by degrading all forms of artistic expression. An American Communist cell was told to "eliminate all good sculpture from parks and buildings, substitute shapeless, awkward and meaningless forms."
23. Control art critics and directors of art museums. "Our plan is to promote ugliness, repulsive, meaningless art."
24. Eliminate all laws governing obscenity by calling them "censorship" and a violation of free speech and free press.
25. Break down cultural standards of morality by promoting pornography and obscenity in books, magazines, motion pictures, radio, and TV.
26. Present homosexuality, degeneracy and promiscuity as "normal, natural, healthy."
27. Infiltrate the churches and replace revealed religion with "social" religion. Discredit the Bible and emphasize the need for intellectual maturity which does not need a "religious crutch."
28. Eliminate prayer or any phase of religious expression in the schools on the ground that it violates the principle of "separation of church and state."
29. Discredit the American Constitution by calling it inadequate, old-fashioned, out of step with modern needs, a hindrance to cooperation between nations on a worldwide basis.
30. Discredit the American Founding Fathers. Present them as selfish aristocrats who had no concern for the "common man."
31. Belittle all forms of American culture and discourage the teaching of American history on the ground that it was only a minor part of the "big picture." Give more emphasis to Russian history since the Communists took over.
32. Support any socialist movement to give centralized control over any part of the culture--education, social agencies, welfare programs, mental health clinics, etc.
33. Eliminate all laws or procedures which interfere with the operation of the Communist apparatus.
34. Eliminate the House Committee on Un-American Activities.
35. Discredit and eventually dismantle the FBI.
36. Infiltrate and gain control of more unions.
37. Infiltrate and gain control of big business.
38. Transfer some of the powers of arrest from the police to social agencies. Treat all behavioral problems as psychiatric disorders which no one but psychiatrists can understand [or treat].
39. Dominate the psychiatric profession and use mental health laws as a means of gaining coercive control over those who oppose Communist goals.
40. Discredit the family as an institution. Encourage promiscuity and easy divorce.
41. Emphasize the need to raise children away from the negative influence of parents. Attribute prejudices, mental blocks and retarding of children to suppressive influence of parents.
42. Create the impression that violence and insurrection are legitimate aspects of the American tradition; that students and special-interest groups should rise up and use ["]united force["] to solve economic, political or social problems.
43. Overthrow all colonial governments before native populations are ready for self-government.
44. Internationalize the Panama Canal.
45. Repeal the Connally reservation so the United States cannot prevent the World Court from seizing jurisdiction [over domestic problems. Give the World Court jurisdiction] over nations and individuals alike.
More:  http://www.uhuh.com/nwo/communism/comgoals.htm

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miércoles, junio 27, 2012

Top Soviet-bloc defector: Marxism infecting U.S.

WorldNetDaily/


By Lt. Gen. Ion Mihai Pacepa
Editor’s note: Lt. Gen. Ion Mihai Pacepa is the highest-ranking Soviet-bloc official ever to defect to the West. In December 1989, Romanian President Nicolae Ceausescu was executed at the end of a trial whose accusations came almost word-for-word out of Pacepa’s book, “Red Horizons,” subsequently republished in 27 countries.
After President Carter approved his request for political asylum, Pacepa became an American citizen and worked with U.S. intelligence agencies against the former Eastern Bloc. The CIA has praised Pacepa’s cooperation for providing “an important and unique contribution to the United States.”
A few weeks ago I read “America’s Marxist Picnic,” a touching story by WND’s David Kupelian, which illustrates how much the U.S. government hated Marxism a generation ago.
David’s father was one of America’s top rocket scientists, and he became deputy undersecretary of defense for strategic and theater nuclear forces under Ronald Reagan. During the 1970s, however, the U.S. government considered withdrawing his top secret security clearance because some informer had reported that, during his teen years, his mother had attended an Armenian church picnic where a pro-Soviet speaker gave a talk.
That story moved me. My father also worked for America – not as a top rocket scientist, but as service manager of the General Motors affiliate in Romania. Working for America became a crime when the communists took over Romania at the end of WWII and my father was soon killed by the Red Army.
Today the Communist Party is abolished in Romania, which re-became a trustworthy ally of the U.S.. Meanwhile, the formerly cursed Communist Party USA is throwing its full support to the current president of the United States.
I wrote to David. That’s how this interview was born.
Editor’s note: Ion Mihai Pacepa was interviewed by WND Managing Editor David Kupelian.
WND: Gen. Pacepa, it’s an honor to talk with you. Please tell me, did America win the Cold War? If so, why are we fighting Marxism in our own country today? And if not, what really happened?
Pacepa: Yes, we won the Cold War, but unlike other wars the Cold War did not end with an act of surrender and with the defeated enemy throwing down his weapons. But no, we are not fighting Marxism in our country, because the American people have not yet been warned that their country is being contaminated by Marxism. A few conservative luminaries like Glenn Beck, Rush Limbaugh and Bill O’Reilly have warned that Marxism is infecting the United States, but neither the Republicans’ “Pledge to America” nor the Tea Party’s “Contract from America” has mentioned the word Marxism.
So far, to the best of my knowledge, only your “Marxism, American-Style” (June 2012 Whistleblower magazine) and PJ Media’s “Say No To Socialism” have called attention to the looming dangers of Marxism, a heresy that killed some 94 million people and transformed a third of the world into feudal societies in the middle of the 20th century.
There is still a widely popular belief in the U.S. and Western Europe that the nefarious Marxist legacy was uprooted in 1991 when the Soviet Union was abolished, just as the Nazi legacy was extirpated in 1945 when World War II ended. That is simply wishful thinking. There is a considerable difference between these two historical events.
In the 1950s, when I headed Romania’s foreign intelligence station in West Germany, I witnessed how Hitler’s Third Reich had been demolished, its war criminals put on trial, its military and police forces disbanded and the Nazis removed from public office. I also saw how West Germany’s economy was being rebuilt with the help of Marshall Plan money and how the country had become a multi-party democracy and a close friend of the United States. In 1959, when I returned to Romania, West Germany’s Wirtschaftswunder (economic miracle) made it the leading industrial power in Europe.
None of those things have happened in the former Soviet Union. No individual has been put on trial, although its Marxist regime killed many more millions than the Nazis did. Most Soviet institutions, under new names, have been left in place and are now run by many of the same people who guided the Marxist state. The KGB and the Red Army, which instrumented the Cold War, have also remained in place with new nameplates at their doors.
“Communism is dead,” people shouted in 1989, when the Berlin Wall began to come down. Soviet Communism is indeed dead as a form of government. But Marxism is on the rise again, and people are not paying attention. Why not? Because most people do not seem to be familiar with the undercover forms of Marxism we are facing today.
Hiding the ugly face of Marxism behind a smiling mask has become a Marxist science, which I described in a large piece recently published in PJ Media. Here let me just say that until 1963, Marxism was mostly camouflaged as “socialism.” The 1963 missile crisis generated by the socialist República de Cuba gave the socialist mask of Marxism a dirty name in the West and few Marxists wanted to be openly associated with it anymore. They therefore began hiding their Marxism under a new cover called “economic determinism,” which became all the rage among leftists who no longer wanted to be labeled socialists.
Economic determinism is a theory of survival rooted in Marx’s “Manifesto” (another theory of survival), but it pretends that the economic organization of a society, not the class war, determines the nature of all other aspects of life. Over the years, economic determinism has assumed different names. Khrushchev’s dogonyat i peregonyat (catching up with and overtaking the West in 10 years) and Gorbachev’s perestroika are the best known.

I wrote the script of Nicolae Ceausescu’s determinism, which was hidden behind the nickname “New Economic Order.” Most Americans, who are not used to dealing with undercover Marxists, have problems recognizing one. In April 1978, President Carter publicly hailed Ceausescu as a “great national and international leader who [had] taken on a role of leadership in the entire international community.” At the time, I was standing next to Ceausescu at the White House – and I just smiled.
Three months later, I was granted political asylum in the United States, and I informed President Carter how Ceausescu had been feeding him a pack of lies. The admiration for Ceausescu’s undercover Marxism had, however, taken on such a life of its own that the U.S. Congress, dominated by President Carter’s Democratic Party, brought the United States a sui-generis version of Ceausescu’s economic determinism. That move generated double-digit inflation. The U.S. prime rate hit 21.5 percent, the highest in U.S. history, and people had to spend long hours in line waiting to buy gas for their cars.
Laura D’Andrea Tyson, former chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers under President Clinton and later an economic adviser to President Obama, has kept that undercover Marxism alive in the U.S. She even wrote her Ph.D. dissertation on the merits of the allegedly “mixed” socialist-capitalist economies in Ceausescu’s Romania and Tito’s Yugoslavia. Two American presidents went to Bucharest to pay tribute to Ceausescu’s Marxism disguised as economic determinism. None had ever gone there before.
A few months ago, when the devastating economic crisis in Greece exploded, economic determinism lost credibility and our Democratic Party replaced it with “progressivism,” which is the current cover name for American Marxism. The real Progressive Movement was born after the U.S. financial crisis of 1893, which the country tried to solve by redistributing America’s wealth. The progressives pushed through the first federal income tax and they created a string of labor standards that opened up the floodgates of corruption and financial excess that generated the Great Depression. A new Progressive Movement, dubbed the New Deal, led to steep top tax rates, strict financial regulations, Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, eventually generating the current economic crisis.
Today’s Progressive Movement was born in New York’s Zuccotti Park. It was first known as the “Occupy Wall Street” movement and advocated the abolition of “capitalist America.” The Democratic Party strongly embraced it and made “Progressive” its new byword. “God bless them,” House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi told the U.S. Congress. “It’s young, it’s spontaneous, it’s focused and it’s going to be effective.” 

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miércoles, junio 13, 2012

Communist Defector Speaks Out on America’s Marxist Future

TrevorLoudon: New Zeal Blog/ Cliff Kincaid
[Former] Lt. Gen. Ion Mihai Pacepa
A top communist defector is warning of an unprecedented “alliance” between the Democratic Party and the Communist Party, reflected in the CPUSA’s endorsement of Barack Obama for president in 2008 and the party’s continued support for Democratic Party policies. But is this warning going to be too hot to handle for the media? And the Republicans?
Lt. Gen. Ion Mihai Pacepa, the highest-ranking official ever to have defected from the former Soviet bloc, says in an article for PJMedia that any doubt that the Democratic and the Communist parties had secretly joined forces was erased in 2009, “when Van Jones, part of a left fringe of declared communists, became the White House’s green jobs czar.”
Obama aide Valerie Jarrett had disclosed at a left-wing bloggers convention that “we,” apparently referring to herself and President Obama, had hired Jones for the job. However, Jones was fired when an outcry developed over his communist background, and the media quickly dropped any probes into Jones’ White House contacts.
Pacepa, who served as a top aide in the Romanian communist regime, tells Accuracy in Media, “The Democratic Party has become dangerously infected with the Marxism virus. I recognize the symptoms because I once lived through them, and I believe it is my obligation as an American citizen to help the conservative movement to prevent any further spread of Marxism in my adopted country.”
He adds that he is personally convinced that Obama is a Marxist.
His 1987 book, Red Horizons, exposed the nature of the Romanian Nicolae Ceausescu regime as well as “communist influence operations” directed against the U.S. and other Western nations. The contents of his book were broadcast into Romania on Radio Free Europe and credited with inspiring the counterrevolution that brought down the regime and the execution of Ceausescu.
Although he has written over the years for such publications as The Wall Street Journal, the American Spectator and National Review, his column in PJMedia represents the first time he has warned publicly that international Marxism has assumed a major influence over the Democratic Party. His second column for PJMedia examines appeasement policies by various Democratic administrations.
The issue of communist influence in the Democratic Party has already been on display this year, as blogger Jeremy Segal filmed Democratic Rep. Danny K. Davis, an old ally of Barack Obama in the socialist New Party, accepting an award in Chicago from the CPUSA. I brought this to the attention of Steve Chapman, a “conservative” columnist for the Chicago Tribune, who had attacked Rep. Allen West as crazy for discussing communist infiltration of the Democratic Party. I provided Segal’s video of the awards ceremony to him directly and yet Chapman remains silent.
Columnist Wes Vernon commented, “Since Chicago is the neighborhood of Chapman’s newspaper, one would think he could easily access (right under his nose) the goings-on of a local congressman’s award possibly just a stroll down the street from the Tribune Building.”
Instead, Chapman has now written a column for the conservative website Townhall mocking conservatives who resist the encroachment of Islamic law, also known as Sharia, in the U.S. legal system. Chapman’s column ran under the headline, “The Bogus Threat from Shariah Law.”
When alleged “conservatives” like Chapman refuse to take the problems of communism and radical Islam seriously, you know the liberal media will resist covering these matters. And that is why Ion Mihai Pacepa’s warning, based on decades of experience in analyzing communist influence operations and infiltration of the West, will be deliberately ignored.
Some conservatives are so desperate for any coverage critical of Obama that they jumped on his gaffe that the private sector is “doing fine,” as if this will enlighten the American people about the real agenda of the President. Mitt Romney’s campaign was quick to produce a TV ad based on the gaffe, generating some media attention, but don’t count on the Republicans to exploit the comments of Ion Mihai Pacepa. The cries of “McCarthyism” would fill the air. All of this means that the GOP presidential campaign will avoid addressing his key charge that the U.S. has a Marxist president and that he is pursuing a socialist agenda.
The Republicans, some of whom were also behind John McCain’s lackluster 2008 campaign, recoil even when they are handed a campaign issue on a silver platter—such as Obama’s lying about his past association with and membership in the Marxist-led New Party in Chicago. They want to stay above the fray, even as the Obama campaign demonizes the word “capitalist” and insists nonsensically that creating government jobs is the proper way to help the private economy.
But Pacepa speaks out, saying that, in addition to the White House hiring Van Jones, he saw the Marxist agenda at work in the agenda of the White House and the Democrat-controlled Congress during Obama’s first two years, when they “began dutifully following in Marx’s footsteps by redistributing our country’s wealth and putting under government control a part of its health care, banking system, and automobile industry.” His observation is this regard is not unique, but Pacepa goes further, citing evidence of how planks in the Communist Manifesto parallel the Obama legislative agenda. Yet, Romney doesn’t want to call Obama a socialist because of what the liberal media will say about the charge.
“Marxism is a malignant tumor on the body of any country,” Pacepa writes, highlighting the stakes involved in the presidential campaign. “This is another thing I learned during my years at the top of Marxist Romania. Marxism, like any cancer, works silently—you can feel it only after it has spread throughout the whole body, and then it is usually too late.”
Internationally, the warning signs also get ignored. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which includes Russia and China, just completed a major conference in Beijing and issued a statement denouncing plans for a U.S. missile defense and proposed military action against the regimes in Damascus and Tehran. Obama seems prepared to accommodate our adversaries on all fronts, although he has told the Russians that he can’t go all-out on their behalf until after he is re-elected.
The final statement from the SCO conference honors the United Nations Charter “as well as the basic norms governing international relations”—remarks that could have come from Obama’s State Department or Obama himself.
The SCO campaign to block Western attempts to undermine the Iranian and Syrian regimes represents what the Global Europe Anticipation Bulletin calls a “world geopolitical swing,” as the United States fades in influence under Obama. Yet, the media talk about an Obama “gaffe” and conservatives wonder if Romney can reduce the gender gap.
The issues are big and stark, and Pacepa knows it. He cites evidence for his charges about an alliance between the Democratic Party and the Communist Party USA in the statements of Joelle Fishman, a political operative in the CPUSA based in Connecticut. This writer interviewed Fishman, who runs the CPUSA Political Action Commission, at last year’s Take Back the American Dream Conference in Washington D.C., featuring Van Jones. She is a strong supporter of Barack Obama and personally campaigned for him.
On Monday, June 18, in Washington, D.C., Van Jones will be speaking at the next Campaign for America’s Future conference on a panel that includes MSNBC’s Melissa Harris-Perry. The topic: “Winning in November—So We Can Win in December and Beyond.” No surprise here. MSNBC is at the service of the Obama Administration and doesn’t hold back at all, even making its TV stars available for partisan conferences.
What is interesting about Fishman, the communist daughter-in-law of Soviet spy Victor Perlo, is that she works with “progressive” Democrats and has a very close personal relationship with high ranking Rep. Rosa DeLauro, a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus who serves in the Democratic leadership as co-chair of the Steering and Policy Committee. A photo dubbed “The Kiss” shows DeLauro embracing Fishman.
Fishman and DeLauro appeared together on the host committee letterhead for a birthday celebration in honor of long-time CPUSA official Alfred L. Marder. DeLauro used the Congressional Record on March 20, 2012, to praise Marder, whose “New Haven Peoples Center” recently tried to obtain $300,000 in state money. Zachary Janowski, an investigative reporter for the Yankee Institute, covered this controversy in detail on his “Raising Hale” blog and was instrumental in creating public pressure against the grant.
DeLauro described Marder as “an institution in our community” and “perhaps best known for his work to promote peace, social justice, worker’s rights and equality.” DeLauro added, “His commitment to these issues is unwavering—regardless of controversy, he always stands firm in his fight to protect human rights.”
“During the McCarthy era,” DeLauro went on to say, “Al was one of those singled out for proudly sharing his thoughts and ideas. Standing firm in his support of civil liberties and the right of every American to freely express themselves, Al discovered his passion for civil and workers rights—two issues to which he has dedicated a lifetime of advocacy.”
In addition to being active for decades in the CPUSA, Marder was president of the U.S. Peace Council and a member and official of the World Peace Council, both of them international communist front organizations. DeLauro, of course, didn’t mention that.
The good news is that citizens of Connecticut are waking up. Veterans and local political leaders protested against the proposed state grant money for the communist headquarters. They got the money withdrawn. But the communists will be back. They never give up.
But while the state money has been withdrawn, at least temporarily, Zachary Janowski reports that the Board of Aldermen of New Haven, Connecticut, voted to allocate $25,000 in federal funds to the facility. The $25,000 in federal funds is from a Community Development Block Grant, a program of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. It is apparently part of the Obama “jobs” program.
--------------------------------
Cliff Kincaid is the Director of the AIM Center for Investigative Journalism and can be contacted at cliff.kincaid@aim.org.
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viernes, mayo 25, 2012

Anatoly S. Chernayev Diary, 1972- An insider's view of the Brezhnev era

http://www.nsarchive.org
First trip with Gorbachev. Chernyaev in Belgium, October 1972.

Soviet government official Anatoly Chernyaev records an insider's view of the Brezhnev era

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 379 Posted - May 25, 2012
For more information contact:
Svetlana Savranskaya - 202/994-7000

Translated and edited by Anna Melyakova and Svetlana Savranskaya
"Anatoly Chernyaev's diary is one of the great internal records of the Gorbachev years, a trove of irreplaceable observations about a turning point in history. There is nothing else quite like it, allowing the reader to sit at Gorbachev's elbow at the time of perestroika and glasnost, experiencing the breakthroughs and setbacks. It is a major contribution to our understanding of this momentous period."
— David E. Hoffman, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of The Dead Hand
"Remarkable diary ..."
— Historian Amy Knight, New York Review of Books, April 6, 2012


Washington, D.C., May 25, 2012 – Today the National Security Archive publishes excerpts from Anatoly S. Chernyaev's diary of 1972 for the first time in English translation with edits and postscript by the author. While the diary for the Gorbachev years, 1985-1991, published before and widely used in scholarly work on the end of the Cold War provided a major source on the Gorbachev reforms, the earlier years of the diary give the reader a very rare window into the workings of the Brezhnev inner circle in the 1970s.
The portrait of the Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, whom most Americans remember from his later years as frail and incomprehensible, emerges very differently from the earliest in the series of diaries donated by Anatoly Sergeyevich Chernyaev to the National Security Archive. In 1972, Chernyaev, deputy head of the International Department of the Central Committee, started keeping a systematic diary, recording his attendance at Politburo meetings, his participation in meetings at the state dacha in Zavidovo (where the experts and speechwriters met to draft speeches and reports for the General Secretary), visits abroad, and the daily life of a high-level Soviet apparatchik.
In 1972, Brezhnev is a skillful negotiator, who prepares seriously for Richard Nixon's first visit to Moscow, who discusses texts of his speeches with leading Moscow intellectuals whom he brought into his inner circle as speechwriters and consultants, who is essentially non-ideological in his dealings with foreign leaders-negotiating arms control and economic agreements with Nixon while the U.S. forces are bombing the Soviet communist ally Vietnam, preferring Georges Pompidou to the leader of French communists Georges Marchais, and"brainwashing" Pakistani leader Bhutto. The two most striking differences between the aging Brezhnev of the late 1970s-early 1980s and the Brezhnev of this diary are that the General Secretary is clearly in charge of the Politburo sessions and that he actively consults with leading experts and intellectuals, such as Georgy Arbatov, Nikolai Inozemtsev, Alexander Bovin and Chernyaev himself.
Chernyaev's daily duties are centered around the international communist movement, interactions with representatives from European communist parties. The reader sees Chernyaev's emerging disillusionment with his work, which in comparison to real foreign policy, like preparation for Nixon's visit, feels meaningless. Chernyaev comes to believe that "the Communist Movement right now is nothing more than an ideological addendum to our foreign policy," and that the Soviet authority in the progressive movements in the world is shrinking: "nobody believes us anymore, no matter how we portray the Chinese and try to explain our Marxist-Leninist purity."
He sees the future in a different direction. After Nixon's visit, Chernyaev is asked to draft Brezhnev's speech on Soviet-American relations and thus is allowed to see all the materials from the meeting, including all transcripts of conversation. Impressed with the quality of interaction and the non-ideological spirit of it, Chernyaev anticipates a new era: "Be that as it may, but we've crossed the Rubicon. The great Rubicon of world history. These weeks of May 1972 will go down in history as the beginning of an era of convergence."
But the new era will only come thirteen years later. In 1972, he sees the first almost imperceptible sign from the future. In October 1972, he is asked to accompany first secretary of the Stavropol region on a trip to Belgium. This is where Chernyaev meets and spends time with Mikhail Gorbachev for the first time. Astonishingly, as Chernyaev later admits, he did not record this meeting in the diary at the time. Only photographs documented this auspicious meeting where Chernyaev sits on the left hand of the future Soviet leader, whose right hand he was destined to become in the late 1980s.

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"Hablame"

"EN TIEMPOS DIFÍCILES" - Heberto Padilla

A aquel hombre le pidieron su tiempo

para que lo juntara al tiempo de la Historia.

Le pidieron las manos,

porque para una época difícil

nada hay mejor que un par de buenas manos.

Le pidieron los ojos

que alguna vez tuvieron lágrimas

para que contemplara el lado claro

(especialmente el lado claro de la vida)

porque para el horror basta un ojo de asombro.

Le pidieron sus labios

resecos y cuarteados para afirmar,

para erigir, con cada afirmación, un sueño

(el-alto-sueño);

le pidieron las piernas

duras y nudosas

(sus viejas piernas andariegas),

porque en tiempos difíciles

¿algo hay mejor que un par de piernas

para la construcción o la trinchera?

Le pidieron el bosque que lo nutrió de niño,

con su árbol obediente.

Le pidieron el pecho, el corazón, los hombros.

Le dijeron

que eso era estrictamente necesario.

Le explicaron después

que toda esta donación resultaria inútil.

sin entregar la lengua,

porque en tiempos difíciles

nada es tan útil para atajar el odio o la mentira.

Y finalmente le rogaron

que, por favor, echase a andar,

porque en tiempos difíciles

esta es, sin duda, la prueba decisiva.

Los Aldeanos: "El Socialismo en Tiempos del Colera: Toda Una Nación"

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La columna de Cubanalisis

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]
¨Saturno jugando con sus hijos¨/ Pedro Pablo Oliva

Seguidores

Carta desde la carcel de Fidel Castro Ruz

“…después de todo, para mí la cárcel es un buen descanso, que sólo tiene de malo el que es obligatorio. Leo mucho y estudio mucho. Parece increíble, las horas pasan como si fuesen minutos y yo, que soy de temperamento intranquilo, me paso el día leyendo, apenas sin moverme para nada. La correspondencia llega normalmente…”

“…Como soy cocinero, de vez en cuando me entretengo preparando algún pisto. Hace poco me mandó mi hermana desde Oriente un pequeño jamón y preparé un bisté con jalea de guayaba. También preparo spaghettis de vez en cuando, de distintas formas, inventadas todas por mí; o bien tortilla de queso. ¡Ah! ¡Qué bien me quedan! por supuesto, que el repertorio no se queda ahí. Cuelo también café que me queda muy sabroso”.
“…En cuanto a fumar, en estos días pasados he estado rico: una caja de tabacos H. Upman del doctor Miró Cardona, dos cajas muy buenas de mi hermano Ramón….”.
“Me voy a cenar: spaghettis con calamares, bombones italianos de postre, café acabadito de colar y después un H. Upman #4. ¿No me envidias?”.
“…Me cuidan, me cuidan un poquito entre todos. No le hacen caso a uno, siempre estoy peleando para que no me manden nada. Cuando cojo el sol por la mañana en shorts y siento el aire de mar, me parece que estoy en una playa… ¡Me van a hacer creer que estoy de vacaciones! ¿Qué diría Carlos Marx de semejantes revolucionarios?”.
¨La patria es dicha de todos, y dolor de todos, y cielo para todos, y no feudo ni capellaní­a de nadie¨ - Marti

"No temas ni a la prision, ni a la pobreza, ni a la muerte. Teme al miedo"
-
Giacomo Leopardi

¨Por eso es muy importante, Vicky, hijo mío, que recuerdes siempre para qué sirve la cabeza: para atravesar paredes¨Halvar de Flake [El vikingo]

"Como no me he preocupado de nacer, no me preocupo de morir" - Lorca

"Al final, no os preguntarán qué habéis sabido, sino qué habéis hecho" - Jean de Gerson

"Si queremos que todo siga como está, es necesario que todo cambie" - Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa

"Todo hombre paga su grandeza con muchas pequeñeces, su victoria con muchas derrotas, su riqueza con múltiples quiebras" - Giovanni Papini


"Life is what happens while you are busy making other plans" - John Lennon

"Habla bajo, lleva siempre un gran palo y llegarás lejos" - Proverbio Africano

"No hay medicina para el miedo" - Proverbio escoces

"El supremo arte de la guerra es doblegar al enemigo sin luchar"
- Sun Tzu

"You do not really understand something unless you can explain it to your grandmother" - Albert Einstein

"It is inaccurate to say I hate everything. I am strongly in favor of common sense, common honesty, and common decency. This makes me forever ineligible for public office" - H. L. Menken

"I swore never to be silent whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation. We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented" - Elie Wiesel

"Stay hungry, stay foolish" -
Steve Jobs

"If you put the federal government in charge of the Sahara Desert , in five years ther'ed be a shortage of sand" - Milton Friedman

"The tragedy of modern man is not that he knows less and less about the meaning of his own life, but that it bothers him less and less" - Vaclav Havel

"No se puede controlar el resultado, pero si lo que uno haga para alcanzarlo" -
Vitor Belfort [MMA Fighter]

Liborio

Liborio
A la puerta de la gloria está San Pedro sentado y ve llegar a su lado a un hombre de cierta historia. No consigue hacer memoria y le pregunta con celo: ¿Quién eras allá en el suelo? Era Liborio mi nombre. Has sufrido mucho, hombre, entra, te has ganado el cielo.

Para Raul Castro

Cuba ocupa el penultimo lugar en el mundo en libertad economica solo superada por Corea del Norte.

Cuba ocupa el lugar 147 entre 153 paises evaluados en "Democracia, Mercado y Transparencia 2007"

Cuando vinieron

Cuando vinieron a buscar a los comunistas, Callé: yo no soy comunista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los sindicalistas, Callé: yo no soy sindicalista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los judíos, Callé: yo no soy judío. Cuando vinieron a buscar a los católicos, Callé: yo no soy “tan católico”.
Cuando vinieron a buscarme a mí, Callé: no había quien me escuchara.

Reverendo Martin Niemöller

Martha Colmenares

Martha Colmenares
Un sitio donde los hechos y sus huellas nos conmueven o cautivan

CUBA LLORA Y EL MUNDO Y NOSOTROS NO ESCUCHAMOS

Donde esta el Mundo, donde los Democratas, donde los Liberales? El pueblo de Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan los Green, los Socialdemocratas, los Ricos y los Pobres, los Con Voz y Sin Voz? Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan el Jet Set, los Reyes y Principes, Patricios y Plebeyos? Cuba desesperada clama por solidaridad.
Donde Bob Dylan, donde Martin Luther King, donde Hollywood y sus estrellas? Donde la Middle Class democrata y conservadora, o acaso tambien liberal a ratos? Y Gandhi? Y el Dios de Todos?
Donde los Santos y Virgenes; los Dioses de Cristianos, Protestantes, Musulmanes, Budistas, Testigos de Jehova y Adventistas del Septimo Dia. Donde estan Ochun y todas las deidades del Panteon Yoruba que no acuden a nuestro llanto? Donde Juan Pablo II que no exige mas que Cuba se abra al Mundo y que el Mundo se abra a Cuba?
Que hacen ahora mismo Alberto de Monaco y el Principe Felipe que no los escuchamos? Donde Madonna, donde Angelina Jolie y sus adoptados around de world; o nos hara falta un Brando erguido en un Oscar por Cuba? Donde Sean Penn?
Donde esta la Aristocracia Obrera y los Obreros menos Aristocraticos, donde los Working Class que no estan junto a un pueblo que lanquidece, sufre y llora por la ignominia?
Que hacen ahora mismo Zapatero y Rajoy que no los escuchamos, y Harper y Dion, e Hillary y Obama; donde McCain que no los escuchamos? Y los muertos? Y los que estan muriendo? Y los que van a morir? Y los que se lanzan desesperados al mar?
Donde estan el minero cantabrico o el pescador de percebes gijonese? Los Canarios donde estan? A los africanos no los oimos, y a los australianos con su acento de hombres duros tampoco. Y aquellos chinos milenarios de Canton que fundaron raices eternas en la Isla? Y que de la Queen Elizabeth y los Lords y Gentlemen? Que hace ahora mismo el combativo Principe Harry que no lo escuchamos?
Donde los Rockefellers? Donde los Duponts? Donde Kate Moss? Donde el Presidente de la ONU? Y Solana donde esta? Y los Generales y Doctores? Y los Lam y los Fabelo, y los Sivio y los Fito Paez?
Y que de Canseco y Miñoso? Y de los veteranos de Bahia de Cochinos y de los balseros y de los recien llegados? Y Carlos Otero y Susana Perez? Y el Bola, y Pancho Cespedes? Y YO y TU?
Y todos nosotros que estamos aqui y alla rumiando frustaciones y resquemores, envidias y sinsabores; autoelogios y nostalgias, en tanto Louis Michel comulga con Perez Roque mientras Biscet y una NACION lanquidecen?
Donde Maceo, donde Marti; donde aquel Villena con su carga para matar bribones?
Cuba llora y clama y el Mundo NO ESCUCHA!!!

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