Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Racismo. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Racismo. Mostrar todas las entradas

miércoles, abril 16, 2014

The New Liberal Racism

Last week we witnessed repeated efforts by Democrats to polarize the country along racial lines. Eric Holder, speaking at Al Sharpton's conference, implied that he and the President are being treated harshly because they are black. Then Nancy Pelosi claimed that Republicans are refusing to support an immigration bill because they don't like Hispanics. She actually said, "I've heard them [Republicans] say to the Irish, if this were just you, it would be easy." The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Chair, Rep. Steve Israel, was asked on CNN whether his Republican colleagues are racist. He answered, "Not all of them, no…But to a significant extent the Republican base does have elements that are animated by racism, and that's unfortunate."
This is more than election year politics. It is worse than a crass attempt to manipulate black voters with fear of Republicans. It is the insidious new racism of liberal elites who masquerade as champions of racial justice. The old racism is obvious and unacceptable. However, the new liberal racism is camouflaged as a cure when it is in fact a far more deadly strain of the disease. It is time to expose and denounce it.
The Republican base that Steve Israel says is animated by racism, nominated me -- an American of African descent and a great grandson of slaves -- for Lt. Governor of Virginia. They embraced me warmly, treated me respectfully and supported me enthusiastically. The liberal media on the other hand set out to destroy me. My white Democrat opponent was even caught on camera refusing to shake my hand. The new racism is very different in style from the old, but the same in substance. The old racists liked blacks who knew their place and stayed in it. The new racists behave exactly the same, but define our “place” as the Democrat liberal camp.
When I won the Republican nomination for Lt. Governor of Virginia, the Washington Post and the Richmond Times Dispatch dedicated themselves to discrediting me. As a child, I lived in a foster home which had no indoor bathroom. Liberal reporters said that since they could not prove there was no indoor bathroom, I must have lied. I served as a Chaplain for the Boston Red Sox, but they said I must have made up that story because nearly twenty-five years later the Red Sox had no record of it. The press was not interested in Benghazi or the IRS scandal, but they combed through the minutiae of my life looking for something to diminish my achievements.
Today’s liberal elites are the new virulent racists. When you agree with them, they honor you as an African-American. When you contradict their orthodoxy, they abuse you like a dog. Even liberal Juan Williams felt their wrath when he went off message.
Yet, neither Al Sharpton, Jesse Jackson, nor the liberal elites who prop them up represent the true values of the black community. Most black folks oppose abortion, support traditional marriage and favor school choice. Black leaders ignore these facts and dance to the tune of their liberal benefactors. My convictions come from my proud black father who took me out of foster care, raised me as a single Dad and never took a dime of government assistance.  They come from my church upbringing which taught me to trust God, not government. Black conservatives want to break the cycle of poverty in the black community, not use it to perpetuate the grievance industry. Who are the real sell-outs? Who are the real racists?"
After seventy percent of black voters supported California’s Proposition 8, defining marriage as a union between one man and one woman, they were called homophobes, bigots and ingrates. The black community’s support of Proposition 8 was characterized as a “betrayal” of those who claimed a right to their loyalty -- the liberal establishment.
One hundred and fifty years after slavery, a new generation now claims ownership of the thoughts and behavior of Americans of African descent. These ersatz masters believe they deserve absolute fealty. Slave owners usually think themselves beneficent, but those who thirst for freedom have a different perspective.
We have largely rid ourselves of the old racism. It is time to rid ourselves of the new form. The burden is on the liberal elites in the Democrat Party and the media to end the paternalism and condescension with which they treat the black community, and renounce the hateful attempts to destroy black conservatives. They need to stop pointing the finger of racism at others and take a hard look at themselves. They are not the racial conscience of the country, but the cause of racial regression.
I have been calling for unity across racial and cultural lines for decades, reminding audiences of the last line of our Pledge of Allegiance - "one nation under God invisible with liberty and justice for all." It is time for Democrat elites to stop dividing us and start bringing us together in fulfillment of that pledge.
*E.W. Jackson is the former Republican Nominee for Lt. Governor of Virginia. He is a Marine Corps Veteran, graduate of Harvard Law School, President of STAND, Bishop of The Called Church and Senior Fellow of the Family Research Council.

martes, diciembre 31, 2013

WSJ: Cuba's Communist 'Small White Clique' Fueling Anti-Black Racism

Weeks after Nelson Mandela's death rekindled a false admiration among some on the left for the racial equality of Fidel Castro's Cuba, the Wall Street Journal's Mary Anastasia O'Grady comes out swinging at the myth that Afro-Cubans are better off under communism.

O'Grady notes that 2009 estimates place the black or mixed population between 60% and 70% of Cuba's citizens, but there are no officials of color in the upper echelons of Cuban leadership. The torture and humiliation Afro-Cuban dissidents face upon being arrested is often exacerbated by their skin color. 
Using the example of political prisoner Eusebio Peñalver--who was in Castro's gulags longer than Mandela toiled in prison--O'Grady notes that, according to all fair accounts of his prison sentence, "it is clear that he suffered more because he was black." Other white prisoners observed that his torture was more severe, because, according to O'Grady, he "interfered with Castro's narrative" of racial equality. That suffering, according to his personal account, included being forced to "eat grass, [being] submerged in sewage," and extensive beatings. Peñalver died in prison to little fanfare, while Castro's ally Mandela became an international icon despite condoning Peñalver's death through silence.
O'Grady's article is a cursory look at how Castro's Cuba violates the human rights of its Afro-Cuban citizens and keeps them oppressed and removed from power, framed in the context of support for Nelson Mandela. She also notes that any Afro-Cubans who attempt to make their concerns about racial equality on the island public have been met with imposed silence. The piece works because of the emotional powerhouse that is Mandela's story, and the contrast between the image of Mandela and the work of his allies to oppress the black population of Cuba, while sending thousands to die for the imperialist cause of intervention in Angola.
O'Grady is generous in not diving too deeply into the lives of other political prisoners, even as Peñalver's story so acutely details that savagery. She also gives only a surface introduction to the everyday segregation of poorer, blacker Cubans from tourist neighborhoods. For example, O'Grady does not mention more prominent modern dissidents like Guillermo Fariñas, survivor of 24 hunger strikes and Sakharov Prize winner who toured America warning of fragmentation in the dissident movement. Also left out of the profile is Jorge Luis García Pérez, known as Antúnez, who served 17 years in prison and openly denounced the racism pervasive in Cuba's penal subcolony once released into the general population. 
The Cuban opposition movement in recent years has striven to emphasize the racism pervasive in the communist regime. Dissident Manuel Cuesta Morua spoke out at a Miami event in May about the "grave problem" of white Cubans often subsisting on the money sent to them by their family in exile, while Afro-Cubans--many of whom stayed in Cuba because of Castro's promises of racial equality--find their daily bread a Herculean task to acquire. “Today, no one in Cuba can deny that we have a serious racial problem,” he argued.
For many of those Afro-Cubans struggling to eat, or suffering even more deeply than their white counterparts in prison, racism just adds to the suffering of living in Cuba's Communist system.

martes, octubre 08, 2013

Canadian Muslims Protest "Honor Killing" Label As Racist

By Abigail R. Esman
Special to IPT News
October 7, 2013
Are they willfully misleading? Or are Canadian Muslims who are fighting federal funding to investigate honor violence in the Muslim (and other) communities simply naïve victims of the same propaganda used routinely to explain away the religio-culturally-based murders of Muslim women?
Every year, according to United Nations reports, 5,000 women worldwide are killed for reasons of "honor" that relate to matters of modesty and obeyance, though most experts maintain the numbers are far higher. And the number of victims of honor violence, which can involve beatings, acid attacks, or locking a woman in her home, is literally incalculable. In the United Kingdom alone, more than 3,000 such honor crimes occurred just in 2010, according to a study by the Iranian and Kurdish Women's Rights Organization (IKWRO). The vast majority of those crimes, the organization states, were committed by Muslims, though Sikhs and Hindus have also been known to commit honor-related crimes.
In Canada, the decision to earmark funds to combat honor violence began in 2007, after a series of honor crimes over the previous two years resulted in the deaths of two women and one man. Soon after the program was announced, on Dec. 10, 2007, the father and brother of 16-year-old Toronto native Aqsa Parvez, strangled her to death. The reason: she had refused to wear the hijab, or scarf.
Yet recently, some groups have begun speaking out against the idea of specifying these crimes as "honor killings" and providing targeted programs to address them, even as two subsequent events underscore just how urgently such funds and programs are needed.
The first of these was the 2012 conviction of Mohammad Shafia, his wife Tooba Yahya, and their son Hamed in the murder of Mohammad and Tooba's three teenage daughters and of Rona Amir Mohammad, Mohammad Shafia's other wife in a polygamous arrangement – a case that received worldwide attention. That conviction confirmed the findings of a University of Sherbrooke study released earlier that year showing an exponential increase in the number of honor killings in Canada. Only three known victims were killed between 1954 and 1983. Since 1999, 12 women have died in honor killings.
All of the murders, the study reported, took place within immigrant families. (It is worth noting that the increase may or may not reflect either the growing numbers of Muslim immigrants to Canada over the years, or a better understanding of honor crimes among law enforcement and other agencies.)
Yet according to a recent report from Women's e-News, many Canadian Muslim women now are speaking out against the government's new focus on these crimes, arguing that honor violence is no different from any other form of domestic abuse. Opponents of the idea call the projects "racist," and claim they put an unwarranted and biased focus on Muslim and Hindi families. "When women of color are killed, we ask these larger questions around their culture. We ask what's wrong with their entire people – their culture, their religion – instead of a particular person," Itrath Syed, who is pursuing a Ph.D. in "Islamophobia" in Vancouver, for instance, told Women's e-News.
Keep reading on The Investigative Project on Terrorism >>

lunes, agosto 26, 2013

"I have a dream" deconstructed: From mountains to molehills

The Economist
Sam Leith, author of "Are You Talkin' To Me?: Rhetoric from Aristotle to Obama", reveals the multifarious influences that combined to produce one of the greatest speeches of the 20th century.  

viernes, agosto 09, 2013

ALVAREZ GUEDES sobre Radio Martí y el racismo en Cuba y EEUU

se estaria refiriendo a enrique patterson? el mismito que monto una escena en el miami dade college que lleno de estupor a algunas de nuestras eminencias presentes como montaner, benemelis, maria cristina herrera, [ja]blanco, etc;  cuando a un infortunado se le ocurrio expresar que ojala la luz blanca de dios iluminara al recien electo presidente obama en los asuntos kubiches. "y por que la luz tiene que ser blanca y no negra"- vociferaba patterson saltando del estrado hacia el infeliz que habia sido miembro de un team de infiltracion y preso politico, pero que ahora empequenecido ante la histeria pattersoniana balbuceada que siempre habia visto blanca la luz de dios.
Desde el sitio de Ichikawa

Guillermo Álvarez Guedes
En la tertulia de ese sábado en la Flor del Southwest, Romerillo quería hablar sobre el racismo aquí en los Estados Unidos y en Cuba. Los invitados eran más o menos los mismos, más un negrito cubano recién llegado, que consiguió enseguida trabajo en Radio Martí, y que daba conferencias de vez en cuando en algunas universidades. Los comunistas en Cuba lo habían enseñado a trepar, y lo hacía muy bien. Ya se había colado en la elite de la intelectualidad miamense. El se imaginó que por ser negro, y según él, filósofo, iba a robarse el show en la tertulia, pero se cogió el culo con la puerta, pues Romerillo había invitado también a un amigo suyo, que además de ser negro, era anticomunista desde que Fidel se instaló en el poder. En dos ocasiones, estando en Cuba, le había preparado atentados al máximo líder. En los dos salió herido, y en el primero perdió a su hermano menor. A su padre lo habían llevado a paredón, y su mamá estaba cumpliendo una condena de veinte años. Era maestra, y se negó a adoctrinar a sus alumnos. Como siempre, Romerillo hizo la presentación de la tertulia.
-Hoy, ya muchos de ustedes lo saben, vamos a hablar de racismo. Racismo en Cuba, en los Estados Unidos y en todas partes. Le cedo la palabra al profesor Amaya, un gran conocedor de este tema.
-Muchas gracias. Yo quisiera comenzar hablando de racismo en Cuba, antes y después de Castro. Hace poco oí a alguien por radio (creo que un recién llegado) decir que antes de llegar esa revolución al poder en Cuba, había mucho racismo y que Castro había eliminado eso. Evidentemente, ese señor que hablaba (lamento no poder acordarme de su nombre), o era un desconocedor total de ese problema, o lo habían infiltrado aquí los comunistas para que realizara esa labor, y tratara de dividirnos a los cubanos.
Alguien lo interrumpió:
-Perdóneme profesor, pero para fortalecer su argumento, quiero dar el siguiente dato: en 1965, Edgar Hoover, el que creó el FBI, declaró que en aquellos momentos había, en el sur de la Florida, más de cinco mil infiltrados del régimen de Cuba. Imagínese ahora. Perdone la interrupción. Prosiga.
-Ese señor que se manifestó así en ese programa, tal parece que nunca oyó hablar de Juan Gualberto Gómez, o ignoraba que el primer presidente que tuvo el Senado de la República de Cuba era un negro que se llamó Morua Delgado, y que por la Cámara de Representantes y el Senado desfilaron infinidad de negros y mulatos que nunca hablaron de racismo.
Desde atrás, uno gritó:
-¿Y Batista, qué era, blanco? De lo único que le han hablado a estos negros verde olivo de ahora, es de la guerrita de 1912 y de lo racista que era José Miguel Gómez. Los infiltraron aquí para que lo repitan en todas partes, como cotorras.
-No quiero extenderme, porque hace falta que otros opinen y no disponemos de mucho tiempo.
-Si alguien aquí discrepa de lo que ha dicho el profesor, este es el momento.
El negrito verde olivo levantó la mano.
-Negar que en Cuba había racismo antes de la revolución es algo que nadie cree.
Lázaro Reguera, el otro negro que estaba en la reunión, muy conocido de los exiliados por su lucha contra el castrismo, dijo sin levantarse de su silla:
-Y negar que ese gobierno revolucionario que usted representa…
-No, yo no represento ningún gobierno. Yo soy un hombre libre.
-Ahora, cuando estaba en Cuba no lo era.
-Mire señor, yo a pesar de haber llegado hace poco tiempo, en ningún momento he dejado de combatir el régimen de Castro.
-Le están pagando muy bien para que lo haga. Tengo entendido que usted, desde que llegó, está cobrando un sueldo de Radio Martí.
Chacho desde atrás, gritó:
-¡Y llegó hace nada más que tres meses! Yo tengo un amigo periodista que perdió su  pierna en Playa Girón combatiendo al comunismo, que hizo su solicitud para trabajar en Radio Martí hace más de tres años, y todavía no le han contestado.
(Álvarez Guedes, Guillermo. Cadillac 59. Novela. Minerva Press, USA. 2000. Pp. 198-200)

sábado, julio 13, 2013

La conspiracion en el caso Zimmerman

en un hecho sin precedentes en un pais democratico, hay un detalle "olvidado" por casi todos, cuando el presidente obama recibio en la casa blanca a los padres del delincuente juvenil apenas unos dias despues de los acontecimientos, brindadole de esa manera todo el respaldo de su inmenso poder mediatico previo a que los lamentables hechos fueran juzgados.
El Comunicador Hispano
Por Andrés Pascual
Se filtraron informaciones de que hasta el presidente pudiera estar detrás de las organizaciones de negros revanchistas y de blancos comunistas preparando la explosión “social” si absuelven a George Zimmerman.
A Sharpton le han orientado de cómo, dónde y con qué protestar en Sandford, a un tipo que… bueno, mejor no hablar, va y ofendo y quiero hacerlo, no lo dude nadie, pero habrá tiempo…
Cuando uno observa la foto que encabeza este material del grupo terrorista Panteras Negras, merece una consideración especial la pregunta ¿A quién quisiera como vecino, a Zimmerman, a estos asesinos o a la propia familia del joven negro muerto?
Sin embargo, aparentemente, lo que está “cocinada” es la condena del individuo que actuó en defensa propia y ha quedado comprobado hasta por el fiscal.
Según el Herald de hoy, hubo una “demoledora situación contra Zimmerman”, que no es la prueba que lo inculpe ni un testigo superestrella que enmudezca a la gradería, no, es que la Sra. Jueza, aparentemente manipulada y quizás simpatizante del gettho, le dijo al jurado que podían considerar como un delito menor la emisión de sentencia de culpabilidad… leyó bien ¡DE CULPABILIDAD!
A través del amañado proceso, la fiscalía no ha podido entablar un round, los perdió todos, sin embargo, parece que le regalaron la pelea, porque en este juicio no se trata de imparcialidad ni de la Dama Justicia con la pesa en la mano y los ojos vendados, sino de condenar, con los ojos bien abiertos en contubernio con las posiciones retrógradas y reaccionarias dueñas del espectro nacional, a alguien que, por todo lo resultante del juicio, es inocente:
Yo no sé si en la choza en que convirtieron la ex Casa Blanca han pensado en lo peligroso del jueguito con ese tipo de arma, pero deberían…
La administración Obama, el propio individuo, su mujer y su corte han desempolvado oficialmente el odio racial en este país, lo han hecho a conveniencia, porque están tratando de incendiar a Estados Unidos y sumirlo en la guerra civil con entorno racial, que puede suceder y sería la justificación para imponerse a los blancos y negros conservadores con el objetivo de separarlos totalmente del poder o de cualquier influencia o medida política que se tome en el futuro.
Esta gente persigue un Zulú Dawn de factura moderna en Occidente ¡y en qué país!
Por eso pretenden desarmar a la ciudadanía. El que se entregue perdió la capacidad hasta de respirar.
Sin más alternativas, Sanford es el teatro de la contienda donde están frente a frente la Constitución vs la Selva, Civilización vs Barbarie, que nunca como hoy cupo en molde mejor la frase.
O se inicia el principio del fin del obamismo, o el de todas las libertades y la democracia en Estados Unidos, la mesa está servida.

sábado, mayo 11, 2013

Six-day event in Pittsburgh targets discrimination in Cuba

Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
Think Cuba, and images of music, dance, cuisine and the 1959 revolution come to mind. But one of the most pervasive pictures has been hush-hush since Fidel Castro declared racism and all talk of it nonexistent by fiat.
Amid such denial and a lack of legal recourse, pervasive racism has been a silent scourge on 60 percent of the population considered black or mulatto.
A group of Cubans attending AfricAmericas, a six-day event being held here through today, told stories that most U.S. blacks would find familiar, "but it is not like here," said Manuel Cuesta Morua, who has been a tour guide, history teacher and a museum director whose political activism cost him his job. "In Cuba, we are all equal, but [blacks] can't be in the media. We have the same education, but we can't have that job.
"Here there are civic tools" and a justice system that can work, he said. "We have no political or symbolic representation, no access to the emerging economy" and no avenues to leadership positions.
Mr. Cuesta and four other members of Cuba's Citizens Committee for Racial Integration spoke Wednesday to a crowd of 60 at City of Asylum/Pittsburgh on the North Side.
AfricAmericas has featured conversation, film, poetry, photography and cultural exchange highlighting Cuba. A photo exhibition, "Crossing Havana," by Juan Antonio Madrazo Luna is on display from noon to 3 p.m. today at the Young Men and Women's African Heritage Association, 1205 Boyle St., Central North Side.
"It took heaven and earth to get these men here, and not just financially," said Kenya Dworkin, director of Coro Latinoamericano and a professor of Hispanic studies at Carnegie Mellon University. She organized the events in collaboration with the heritage association.
The fact that the Cuban government let black activists travel was historic, she said. The men described their humiliation at the Havana Airport, where they were the only blacks on their flight. Besides being stared at, they were relieved of cameras, CDs, thumb drives and information they were going to share at AfricAmericas.
Asked Wednesday by a woman in the audience if they are at risk, Leonardo Calvo Cardenas, a writer and historian, said, "The risk was there before we came and it will be there when we go back."
They have been arrested, followed and threatened. So far, there has been no physical violence, they said, adding that the government has sewn the fear of self-subjugation into most people.
Mr. Madrazo, coordinator of the Citizens Committee, said the committee is "a pressure group, like a lobby. Racism in Cuba is a political conflict" because of government rhetoric that it doesn't exist. "Now the government admits it but does not show evidence of a will to change the agenda.
"We are grateful for the ability to come here and share a difficult subject that puts Cuba's future in danger."
Two of the men now live in the United States.
Rafel Campoamor Sanchez, who has visited black communities throughout Latin America, was expelled from Cuba as he was trying to organize The Click Festival, an event intended to introduce the empowering possibilities of social media and technology. He is living with his brother in Texas.
"Of all the countries I have visited," he said, "Cuba has the most to overcome" in race relations. "But of 200 million black Latinos, almost all of them live at the base of the social pyramid."
Ms. Dworkin, a Cuban native, said black citizens there have access to education but few are allowed to make the most of it. Besides being segregated by housing, they are consigned to the worst of it.
The theme of "Crossing Havana" is that blacks live in "the other city" of Havana.
Juan Antonio Alvarado Ramos, the editor of ISLAS, a quarterly journal published in Spanish and English, left Cuba in 2000 and lives in Florida. ISLAS deals with racial issues in Cuba and is giving voice to more and more intellectuals.
"ISLAS really worries the Cuban government," Mr. Calvo said. "When the authorities get nervous, it means good things are happening. If people with their disquiet could connect, it would become an explosive island."
He told the crowd Wednesday night, "We feel very stimulated by your interest."
"If in the last few years the government has recognized there is racism, it's because of internal pressure and platforms like the Citizens Committee," said Mr. Alvarado, who is white. "Anti-racism forces are growing. Just the fact that this event is happening attests to that."
AfricAmericas events today: noon to 3 p.m., "Crossing Havana" photo exhibit, Young Men and Women's African Heritage Association, 1205 Boyle St., Central North Side; 4 to 5:30 p.m., Afro-Latin workshops, Frick Fine Arts building, Oakland; 7 to 9:30 p.m., AfricAmericas concert, Frick Fine Arts auditorium, Oakland.

sábado, abril 06, 2013

Cuban cultural official demoted after New York Times essay criticizing island on race - The Washington Post

HAVANA — A leading Cuban cultural official said Friday that he has been demoted nearly two weeks after he published an opinion piece in the New York Times that criticized “blatant racism” on the island.
In a phone interview with The Associated Press in Havana, Roberto Zurbano refused to speculate on whether his demotion from publishing director at the influential, government-run Casa de las Americas cultural institute to a lesser role as an analyst was directly linked to the newspaper article, which was harshly criticized by official media.

Zurbano told AP he was angry over his interactions with the Times and accused the paper of “manipulations” of his copy, “inaccuracies in translation” and “ethical violations.”
Specifically he complained about the title of the March 23 op-ed: “For Blacks in Cuba, the Revolution Hasn’t Begun.” Zurbano said his proposed title suggested rather that the revolution “has not finished.”
He said there were other problems with the editing of his piece, but did not give specific instances. And he nonetheless insisted that there was nothing in the article that he wished to retract.
“I continue to think the same ideas. There is still much to discuss about racism,” Zurbano said. “That is and will continue to be my battle within and outside of the Casa de las Americas, but always within the revolution.”
The last part of that statement echoed Fidel Castro’s long-ago admonition on what constitutes acceptable criticism: “Within the Revolution, everything; outside the Revolution, nothing.”
Contacted by AP, the Times stood by its handling of the article.
“As is the case with all essays we run, we worked very hard to ensure that the wording in the piece was translated properly and accurately reflected the writer’s point of view,” spokeswoman Eileen Murphy said in a statement. “There were numerous versions of the piece sent back and forth and in the end, Mr. Zurbano, and our contact for him (who speaks fluent English), signed off on the final version.
“We knew that Mr. Zurbano was in a sensitive situation and we are saddened if he has indeed been fired or otherwise faced persecution because of this essay, but we stand by our translation and editing, which was entirely along normal channels,” it concluded.
The Cuban government did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
In the Times essay, Zurbano had harsh words for island authorities’ record on race and said that since Afro-Cubans continue to occupy the lower strata of Cuban society, they are least likely to benefit from social and economic reforms being pushed by President Raul Castro.
That surely touched a nerve in the Communist-run government, for which eliminating racism has long been a central tenet. Suggestions of racial inequality are highly sensitive, even if officials up to the president himself have acknowledged that problems remain.
“Raul Castro has recognized the persistence of racism and has been successful in some areas (there are more black teachers and representatives in the National Assembly), but much remains to be done to address the structural inequality and racial prejudice that continue to exclude Afro-Cubans from the benefits of liberalization,” Zurbano wrote in his article.
In February, the National Assembly, or parliament, elected an Afro-Cuban president for the first time ever in Esteban Lazo, and officials point to a significant increase in the number of women and Afro-Cubans in leadership positions.
Zurbano told AP that his essay had been attacked by many and touched off “a discussion” about racism in Cuba and the piece itself.
La Jiribilla, Cuba’s leading online cultural publication, published a series of critical pieces including one in which historian Silvio Castro accused Zurbano of being misinformed about race relations before the 1959 Cuban Revolution and said his essay appeared “in the wrong publication and with the wrong language.”
Others defended Zurbano.
Noted singer-songwriter Silvio Rodriguez for one, called for “an airing of ideas” without “ganging up” on the author.

jueves, marzo 28, 2013

Cuba-Four Years Later: Race and Remittances

On March 31st, 2009, in a summary of recommendations to a then-new Obama Administration and U.S. Congress ("Do's and Don'ts of U.S. Policy Toward Cuba"), we wrote:

11. DON’T Allow Unlimited Remittances to Foment Segregation and Disparities 

Unlimited remittances to the island risks dividing Cuba's democratic opposition, pitting Cubans with relatives in the United States against Cubans with no relatives living abroad. Many early exiles living in the United States today are white and have prospered. Much of Cuba's population today and many of the courageous leaders of the democratic opposition to the Cuban regime are of African or mixed-race descent; and they do not have relatives in the United States. Even with the current monetary limitations of $300 per quarter, white Cubans receive up to 250 percent more in remittances from family abroad than their Afro-Cuban compatriots. Growing income disparities may in turn become a stumbling block upon future efforts for “national reconciliation” amongst all Cubans, regardless of race, whether they remained on the island or in exile abroad.

This week, Roberto Zurbano wrote in The New York Times ("For Blacks in Cuba, the Revolution Hasn't Begun"):

Most remittances from abroad — mainly the Miami area, the nerve center of the mostly white exile community — go to white Cubans. They tend to live in more upscale houses, which can easily be converted into restaurants or bed-and-breakfasts — the most common kind of private business in Cuba. Black Cubans have less property and money, and also have to contend with pervasive racism. Not long ago it was common for hotel managers, for example, to hire only white staff members, so as not to offend the supposed sensibilities of their European clientele.

Today's reality is even more dire than Zurbano depicts.  

Just ask Afro-Cuban pro-democracy activists.

domingo, diciembre 16, 2012

Jews face down new extremism from Hungary’s far-right

Bernadett Szabo / Reuters
Balint Nogradi holds his son Shalom Doveber before the Sabbath in their home in Budapest November 30, 2012.
BUDAPEST - A week after a leader of Hungary's far-right Jobbik party called for lists of prominent Jews to be drawn up to protect national security, Janos Fonagy stepped forward.
"My mother and father were Jewish, and so am I, whether you like it or not," the state secretary of the Development Ministry told parliament, explaining he did not have dual citizenship with Israel and was not religious.
"I cannot choose, I was born into this. But you can choose, and you have chosen this path," he said, addressing Jobbik deputies. "Bear history's judgment."
It is only relatively recently that Hungary's Jews have celebrated their identity as openly as they did when Europe's largest synagogue was built in Budapest in the 1850s. More >>

viernes, diciembre 14, 2012

Pax Ethnica: Where and How Diversity Succeeds

The headlines are full of stories of deep-simmering hatreds and ethnic strife. How about some good news for a change? Historians Meyer and Brysac explore places where diversity is actually working, from Kerala to Queens. What can we learn from these "oases of civility"? 

jueves, noviembre 01, 2012

How Did Obama Get Into Occidental College?

Charles C. Johnson
Of the many enduring questions about Barack Obama’s past, perhaps none figures more than that of his still-unreleased academic records. But a series of articles written in Occidental College’s student newspaper, The Occidental, in 1978-1979 sheds new light on how Obama may have been admitted through the liberal arts college’s renewed, “hard nosed” and “rigorous” commitment to increasing the numbers of black and Chicano students and faculty on campus.
Federal privacy laws prohibit anyone, save Obama, from releasing material from his academic years, but contemporaneous documentation from the time gives strong indication of how he might have been admitted to the Southern California liberal arts college, despite an admitted lackluster academic performance at Punahou School, an elite Hawaiian prep school.
Fortunately for Obama, he applied to Occidental during a time of declining enrollment of blacks and Latinos and an invigorated commitment to increase the racial diversity of the faculty, student body, and “diversify” the curriculum. The year that Obama applied to Occidental College the numbers of black and Hispanic students was at an eight-year low. Indeed, only eighteen blacks matriculated at Occidental in the fall of 1978, down seven from 1977.
“In recent years, a marked decrease in the number of minority students attending college has provoked complaints from black and Chicano leaders as well as concerned college administrators,” wrote The Occidental’s Bill Davis and Tom Hammitt in “Minority enrollment plummets” on January 19, 1979. “The number of students of minority background at Occidental has declined sharply over the past two years. Fewer blacks and Chicanos attend the college than at any time during the past eight years. Current admissions reports show a 10% decline in the number of minority applicants compared to this date last year.”
Obama May Have Been Admitted to Occidental College Because of Race
The student union on the campus of Occidental College. (Photo: Occidental College website)
The decline in admissions came as Occidental was increasing its standard for admission. “Efforts to upgrade the academic standards for minority students accepted by Occidental are another cause of the decline in representation of minority students on campus,” the same article reported. “It used to be that we’d take (minority applicants) if there was any chance of them succeeding. Now we’re being more selective,” Dean Benjamin Culley said.  To help attract a higher quality minority student, Culley awarded financial aid differently based upon race. “Black and Chicano students, who comprise 10.2% of the student body, will receive approximately 33% of the funds available through his office,” Culley told the student newspaper.
Associate Dean of Students Yolanda Garcia suggested that the college had been race-norming, or adjusting scores on standardized test to have separate curves for different racial groups. Davis and Hammitt wrote that “some ethnic distinctions are made in the admissions process, particularly with regard to SAT scores” in regards to their interview with Garcia. It still wasn’t enough. As part of the consequences of a phenomenon that would later be known as the “mismatch effect,” Occidental was having difficulty attracting a quality minority student body, in large measure because the students eligible for admission to Occidental were going to higher ranked schools, like Stanford, instead. Fewer blacks and Latinos were completing their academic careers at Occidental than whites.

Hiring Based on Race
Meanwhile, a controversy over how diverse Occidental would be in the future was reaching a boiling point, and how Occidental could diversify its professorial pool. John C. Drew, the Marxist-turned-conservative, wrote on October 13, 1978 that some activists for affirmative action wanted the college to pay a premium for minority professors.
“Students at the [affirmative action] retreat also argued that minority professors were a scarce commodity and that having an ethnic background or being a woman should be considered as part of the qualities that Occidental College wants in a professor. If economics professors had to have higher salaries to attract them to Oxy, minority professors should be treated in a similar manner,” he wrote.
After the retreat and the year before Obama arrived on campus, a faculty meeting took place that decided the future of affirmative action. Norman Cohen, a Marxist who headed the Affirmative Action Committee, concluded that there was “no progress” on racial diversity on campus — the lack of which prompted black art professor, Mary Jane Hewitt, to resign in protest.
Hewitt’s departure, however, had profound consequences for Occidental’s approach to racial matters in hiring and student enrollment. Hewitt’s resignation ultimately made “people more willing (to diversify). It’s amazing how this dominates the campus. There’s interest. There’s concern. There’s willingness to work,” said Jane Jaquette, who became the co-chair of the Affirmative Action Committee with Anne Howells after Cohen left for a sabbatical in England. (Howells would go on to teach Obama Introduction to Literary Theory and to write his letter of recommendation for transfer to Columbia, because Obama, in her words, “wanted a wider urban experience.”)
The new chairs brought new attention to affirmative action on campus. “The Affirmative Action Committee promises more minority profs,” ran the headline in The Occidental on February 9, 1979. (Bill Davis and Tom Hammitt, “Affirmative Action Committee promises minority profs,” The Occidental, February 9, 1979.)
While neither Howells, nor Jaquette used the word “quotas,” there was little doubt that quotas were what was being considered. The Occidental laid out the numbers:
In American Studies, all four candidates being considered in the final selection are black. Religious Studies reports two black males among the five final candidates for the appointment. Economics includes one black PhD in its short list. Language and Linguistics two blacks and one Chicano candidate, and Art one Chicano applicant…”
Sometimes blacks made it into the final consideration simply because they were black. In the same article, the papers says the college ws searching for a “‘radical,’ non-Keynesian economist,” and economics Chairman Woody Studenmund admitted that sometimes racial considerations were preeminent. “In all honesty, [a black candidate] wouldn’t be in the top twelve [for a position] if he were not a minority,” he told the paper.
Obama May Have Been Admitted to Occidental College Because of Race
Thorne Hall, the college’s main auditorium. (Photo: Occidental College website)
The committee even proposed paying minority professors more money to attract them to the campus as part of an “agreement…to go outside of the normal bounds on salaries,” the February 9 article makes clear.
“(Black and Chicano professors) are bringing a quality to the campus that we want to have. You pay for that quality, based on what the job market is,” Jaquette explained.
“In six academic departments currently hiring new professors, nine black and two Chicano candidates have progressed to the semi-final selection rounds,” wrote Davis and Hammitt. “Estimates from the department sources guarantee the hiring of at least one minority candidate and possibly more this year…The increased number of black and Chicano candidates in faculty applicant pools can be attributed to growing faculty commitment, the coordinating efforts made by the Affirmative Action Committee and the Dean of Faculty[.]”
Recruiting more black and Chicano professors was necessary to attract more black and Chicano students, explained Howells.
“A ‘critical mass’ of minority instructors is necessary to establish a multi-cultural base to the college,” she told the article’s authors.  A “nucleus of minority faculty members here makes it easier to attract more [minority faculty] after that. It’s the same thing as with minority students.” How many blacks and Hispanics would be enough for a critical mass? “We’d like to have as many as we can,” said Howells. “I’m sure we’ll see an increase over the next five years,” Howells said. “People are really going on this direction.”
Unsurprisingly, the numbers of blacks and Latinos in the 1979-1980 school year grew to 25 black and 29 Chicano freshmen, according to The Occidental College Magazine. Of the total number of black freshmen, 19 were granted a total of $51,878 ($184,000 in today’s money) in scholarships; of the Chicano freshmen, 22 were granted a total of $39,100 (138,000 in today’s money). State assistance and funds from the institutions themselves make up more than 50 percent of all financial aid and more than 70 percent of grant aid to minorities, noted an admissions officer at the time.

“Occidental Couldn’t Give a Damn if It Returned to All [Anglo]”
More black and Chicano students and professors also meant more black and Chicano courses. “I think the curriculum is changing with respect to openness to so-called minority courses,” Jaquette told the paper on February 9. “If we can get minority people on campus, the curriculum will change. The departments have shown themselves willing, and these people will come here with an interest in diversifying.”
To help that process along, Occidental created an official “Minority Recruitment Day” on March 28, 1979, where it brought approximately 400 black, Chicano, and Asian high school students from 12 Los Angeles inner-city schools to present them with a “very down to earth view on why to go to college, and why to come to Occidental,” according to administrator Jim Reskin. (Tom Hammitt, “ASOC schedules Minority Recruitment Day,” The Occidental, February 16, 2012)
Unlike other school recruitments, this one was led by two activist organizations on campus, MeCha for Latinos and UJIMA, for blacks. “We want it to be student run because this is something which nobody else is doing,” Reskin told the paper. “The visiting students will not be badgered by people wearing suits and ties.”
Ironically, UJIMA’s executive coordinator, Michael Harris, and administrative coordinator, Sara-Etta Harris, may not have encouraged many blacks to attend. “Racism in an institutional arrangement definitely exists here,” Michael Harris told The Occidental. “For many black students, the Occidental experience is a very alienating experience. It really detaches you from your community. It really drains you. I’ve known students who left Occidental and refused ever to come back.” Sata-Etta Harris agreed. “From what I’ve seen in my three years here, Occidental couldn’t give a damn if it returned to all [Anglo].”
Both Harrises encouraged the college to go out of its way to recruit more black and minority faculty. According to the same Occidental article, “Recruiting such a faculty, said Michal Harris, demands a different approach to departmental hiring than is generally used—qualified blacks and Chicano instructors often suffered roadblocks in their careers that make them appear on their resumes to be less qualified and talented than their white competitors.”

Occidental’s Racial History and the Black Student Caucus
The decision to admit more blacks came as part of the tumult of the ‘60s. Occidental began concerted efforts at minority recruitment in the spring of 1964, with the aid of $275,000 granted by the Rockefeller Foundation,” wrote Hammitt in the second installment on minority students at Occidental called, “Turbulent past of minority student radicalism reviewed.” The grant was to be “seed money” to recruit more blacks and Latino students and similar amounts were given to other liberal arts colleges throughout America. The numbers of blacks on campus increased in 1967, growing to 44 black and 33 Chicano students, but that was not satisfactory for the Black Student Caucus.
“There is a growing desire for identity in the Negro community. We are telling ourselves that we are going to develop as Negroes,” a BSC spokesman told The Occidental in November 1967. “We intend to accumulate as much information as we can, in any form, concerning ourselves and that which affects us particularly as blacks.”
On January 27, 1968, the BSC held a forum titled, “Black-White Confrontation,” which drew over three hundred members of the Occidental community and where a BSC leader upbraided the school for not offering jazz, African art, Negro history, or courses on black politics, like Malcolm X. “The forum also revealed a growing cultural awareness and unity among black Occidental students,” the paper reported at the time.
The Black Student Caucus was a forerunner of UJIMA, a black radical group whose meetings Barack Obama would later attend. He would also later attend meetings long into the night at Columbia’s Malcolm X Lounge, a place intended for blacks and christened by Eric Holder Jr., his future attorney General.
Obama May Have Been Admitted to Occidental College Because of Race
Obama at the dinner. The New Yorker’s caption reads: “Obama with his friend and roommate Hasan Chandoo at the Ujima dinner.”
Dissatisfied with the numbers of blacks on campus, the Black Student Caucus led forty students and a few faculty members into the president’s office on May 28, 1968. Though the students and faculty were thrown out of the president’s office, many of their demands carried the day. “The demands included requests for more intense minority student recruitment, a more ethnically diverse faculty, and the expansion of the academic curriculum to include courses more sensitive to black students’ needs and interests,” wrote Tom Hammitt in the “Turbulent” article.

Obama as a Student
Perhaps Barack Obama was actually brilliant around the time of his college years, but his own words about his schooling at Punahou and Occidental give us reason to doubt that. In his first book, “Dreams from My Father,” Obama describes himself as a lackluster high school student whose mother criticized him for being a “loafer” (142). He describes his attitude toward schoolwork as “indifferent” (146), calling himself a “bum” who abused drugs (138) and who partied all weekend (165).  He “settled on Occidental College mainly because I’d met a girl from Brentwood while she was vacationing in Hawaii with her family.” (146) That girl has never turned up.
There are reasons to doubt his testimony, however. He had fibbed about a “transfer program” between Occidental College and Columbia University, which he described and which has never existed. In fact, Obama was recruited to Occidental by Kraig King, Class of ’77, who ran recruitment for Occidental College in Hawaii at the time.
Obama, King explained, came from Punahou, a school that King described on the phone as “the best high school in Hawaii.” King, now an executive in Minnesota, recalled in a phone conversation with TheBlaze meeting “Barry Obama” in Hawaii. And though Obama was interested in basketball, King said he knew that Obama wasn’t going to be interested in playing for the team. Though King didn’t say so, it seems obvious Obama’s status as a black student from a top prep school would have helped his chances of admittance at Occidental even if he were a terrible student at Punahou.

 Obama’s Role in Affirmative Action Protest on Campus
If Obama did benefit from affirmative action, it might certainly explain his interested in the policy while at Occidental. I wrote earlier this year about how the first political speech Barack Obama ever gave was at a rally against apartheid and in favor of affirmative action.  Recently released photographs taken by Obama’s friend, Tom Grauman and published by Margot Mifflin, another Obama friend now at the New Yorker, confirm that the rally was about racial preferences.
Student newspaper records which I uncovered from Occidental (excerpted below) reveal that the protest wasn’t just about South Africa: it was also about increasing racial preferences for black and Latino students and faculty at Occidental–a history that has been utterly missing from Obama’s political record.
From top to bottom, the rally was planned, promoted, and performed by Obama and his friends, including Professor of English Eric Newhall, who served as the co-chair of the faculty committee on multicultural education, and who supported the campus’s affirmative action program with especial gusto. Newhall was a veteran of campus activism of the ‘60s and he, like many Occidental professors, continued his activism on campus as a professor. He was also a draft-dodger who had spent ten months in prison for draft evasion in 1968-1969 — a fact that gave him a certain gravitas that the more politically active of his students appreciated. While Newhall never taught Obama during his two years at Occidental, the two were close socially and played basketball together.
In an article written on February 20, 1981 in The Occidental, Professor Newhall worried that Occidental College would become especially white given that several minority administrators were leaving the college at the end of 1981, and that that would, he said, have a deleterious effect on student education. These departures included administrators Romelle Rowe and the aforementioned Yolanda Garcia, who had been tasked with recruiting more blacks and Hispanics to Occidental’s campus, respectively.
Obama himself was planning to join that exodus of minorities from the campus and likely filed out a transfer application to Columbia in January 1981.
Many of the campus’s student activist leaders graduated in 1981, but Obama still had two more years to go before he, too, would graduate. Could he have been motivated by the alleged lack of diversity on Occidental’s campus? He writes in “Dreams” of his desire to find his “community,” and later moved to Morningside Heights and Harlem. The diminishing numbers of minority faculty and the graduation of many of his minority friends at Occidental provided the final push, especially given Obama’s interest in racial issues.
Obama May Have Been Admitted to Occidental College Because of Race
Obama at the rally, according to pictures published by the New Yorker. That outlet’s caption reads: “Closeup: Organizers and speakers at the rally. Wahid Hamid and Barack Obama are seated at left. Hasan Chandoo is seated and Caroline Boss is standing at center. Sara-Etta Harris is standing at right. Laurent Delanney is in the white T-shirt, lower right.”
At the rally, Professor Newhall argued that the decision of minorities to leave Occidental, as well as the number of minority students dropping out, was indicative of persistent bias on the part of Occidental students and administrators. From a February 1981 Occidental article:
“I’ve recently become aware that there is presently developing on this campus, an attitude of suspicion and intolerance towards certain groups,” [Eric Newhall, professor of English] announced, “mainly against blacks, Chicanos, Jews, and gays.” These prejudices he said, result from the frustration that many are feeling such problems as a spiraling inflation rate, high unemployment, and a high crime rate. Such conditions lead people to “search for scapegoats.” But he added “if we can’t stop harassment on this campus, we really don’t stand much of a chance of stopping it anywhere else.”
Newhall also said he realized that the school’s affirmative action program was in trouble and fretted that there might not be a single Chicano on the faculty or administration and made an explicit call for racial quotas:
[Newhall] admitted that “we all say we want affirmative action but we don’t want to pay what it apparantly [sic] will cost. Minorities with PhDs are in scarce supply, and thus will cost more to hire.” He said that he doesn’t like the idea of “someone else being paid more than I am for doing the same work I’m doing,” but that he liked even less having a “virtually all white faculty.”
Newhall then presented a plan designed to help increase minority enrollment. This spring, the Multicultural Education Committee, along with the admissions office, is planning to invite all accepted minority applicants to campus for a reception, in hopes that they can be convinced into choosing Occidental. I’m specifically asking the student body and the SCC to support our efforts, both emotionally and financially,” he said.
The rally continued with remarks about race from Latina freshman Becky Rivera [pictured here], who described Occidental as a “picture perfect campus. It’s quiet and beautiful, and no one has to worry about the students getting upset. Well, we’re upset.” She then accused the administration of “playing off one (minority) group against another,” and its plan is to “divide and conquer.” She warned that “a few of us ignorant minorities have got us some education,” and are “demanding answers and demanding action.” She added that “students are responsible for revolutions. Students have power. It starts on the campuses.”
(Obama was likely referring to Rivera when he mentioned his fictionalized “Regina” in his autobiography. There were only two women that spoke during that rally—Becky Rivera, a Latina girl, and Caroline Boss, a white member of the Democratic Socialist Alliance—and Obama seems to have compressed them both into one black student—Regina.)
The last to speak was Earl Chew, president of UJIMA, a black activist group on campus, and friend to Barack Obama. Chew called Occidental’s idea of a multicultural liberal arts institution “a farce,” and saw investment as “taking our tuition and investing it in the oppression of our ancestral people.”
Neither Chew nor Newhall were alone in linking the divestment issue with affirmative action efforts on campus. Shortly before the protests in February, “Members of the Student Coalition Against Apartheid” (which Obama had joined) and the “Third World Coalition,” among others, signed a letter (which I have reviewed) calling Occidental’s “commitment” to affirmative action “questionable”:
  1. It was overlooked to ask for any minority representation on the Dean of Faculty Search Committee. We find the position of the Dean of Faculty a viable one for the encouragement of Affirmative Action.
  2. Taking into consideration the geographic location of Occidental College, we would expect that Occidental would be more conducive to an ethnic and cultural atmosphere. Yet, we have only two full time Hispanic and only two full time Black faculty members.
  3. Over the past couple years, minority enrollment has increased, yet the attrition rate of minority students has also increased. The entering classes of 1970 and 1980 have had a decreasing enrollment of Black students.
It’s possible that this unsigned letter may very well have been written by Obama. As part of the campus protest movement, he describes himself as “drafting letters to the faculty” as part of his “larger role.” (“Dreams,” p. 160). The official history of Occidental mentioned the affirmative action protests as having taken place on February 18, 1981, writing:
Increased attention to minority rights, begun in the 1960s, also continued to command attention. Seeking greater minority representation, students and faculty members on February 18, 1981 held a rally in front of Coons Hall during a meeting of the trustees. A “Minority Caucus” sought more multicultural courses, to be taught by minority members. The faculty and administration, however, decided against tokenism that would admit students of marginal abilities to enlarge minority representation. Although aptitude tests would henceforth be weighted more lightly in the case of minority applicants, the college, as a small institution, did not possess the resources to service deeply-disadvantaged students.
The activists were ultimately effective in getting what they wanted passed:
A faculty committee on multicultural education, in 1982, became the committee on minority issues, consisting of faculty members, students, administrators, staff members, and alumni. This group sought to identify problems faced by campus ethnic minorities. An outgrowth of meetings of minority administrators and of a faculty caucus, the committee advised expansion of the minority presence on campus, although the college had already expanded its commitment to “Affirmative Action.” In 1984 President Gilman said about the effort:
The College has been engaged for 20 years in an effort to increase diversity among the student body and faculty. In the ‘60s we received three quarters of a million dollars to provide assistance to minority students. And we have been actively seeking more minorities since ’64. Because of this, the College has been strengthened and enriched. (See Andrew F. Rolle, “Occidental College: A Centennial History,” 1887-1987)
 “I Got Into Politics at Occidental”
So what does this all mean? It’s clear Occidental had been in favor of affirmative action ever since the 1960s, and that could explain how it was that Obama, an admittedly poor student in high school, had been admitted to Occidental.
In addition, Obama shared Prof. Newhall’s politics and fought for those very racial preferences. And could it be that part of the reason he fought so hard for them was because he was a beneficiary?
“I got into politics at Occidental,” Obama told Occidental in a 2004 interview with Occidental magazine. “I made a conscious decision to go into public policy.” Now, it seems, we know that racial preferencing was one such policy that played a roll in his life And maybe that explains why, in Dreams, Obama describes the divestment issue itself as a “subconscious end run around issues closer to home.”
​Editor’s note: You can see more pictures of Obama’s time at Occidental here.

martes, mayo 01, 2012

100 blacks beat white couple, media bury attack

WND/ By Joe Kovacs
There’s outrage in Norfolk, Va., today after a white couple was attacked by a group of dozens of black teenagers, and the local newspaper did not report on the incident for two weeks, despite the victims being employees of the paper.
Even today, the Virginian-Pilot did not cover the crime as news, but rather as an opinion piece by columnist Michelle Washington.
“Wave after wave of young men surged forward to take turns punching and kicking their victim,” Washington wrote, describing the onslaught that began when Dave Forster and Marjon Rostami stopped at a red light while driving home from a show on a Saturday night. A crowd of at least 100 black young people was on the sidewalk at the time.
“Rostami locked her car door. Someone threw a rock at her window. Forster got out to confront the rock-thrower, and that’s when the beating began. …
“The victim’s friend, a young woman, tried to pull him back into his car. Attackers came after her, pulling her hair, punching her head and causing a bloody scratch to the surface of her eye. She called 911. A recording told her all lines were busy. She called again. Busy. On her third try, she got through and, hysterical, could scream only their location. Church and Brambleton. Church and Brambleton. Church and Brambleton. It happened four blocks from where they work, here at the Virginian-Pilot.”
Washington says neither suffered grave injuries, but both were out of work for a week. Forster’s torso ached from blows to his ribs, and he retained a thumb-sized bump on his head. Rostami reportedly fears to be alone in her home., while Forster wishes he’d stayed in the car.
The columnist admits the story has not, until today, appeared in the Virginian-Pilot.
“The responding officer coded the incident as a simple assault, despite their assertions that at least 30 people had participated in the attack,” Washington explains. “A reporter making routine checks of police reports would see ‘simple assault’ and, if the names were unfamiliar, would be unlikely to write about it. In this case, editors hesitated to assign a story about their own employees. Would it seem like the paper treated its employees differently from other crime victims?”
Washington says the day after the beatings, Forster searched Twitter for mention of the attack, and one post in particular chilled him.
“I feel for the white man who got beat up at the light,” wrote one person.
“I don’t,” wrote another, indicating laughter. “(do it for trayvon martin)”
Trayvon Martin, is the unarmed black teen, who died after being shot by a community-watch captain with white and Hispanic parents, George Zimmerman, in Sanford, Fla., sparking a wave of outrage long after the incident.
The newspaper is coming under heavy criticism today from residents in the greater Norfolk area, known as Hampton Roads.
“It is unbelievable that the Virginian-Pilot would BURY this story for two weeks for politically correct reasons. That is sad and disgusting,” said David Englert of Norfolk. “Someone should be fired or resign over the decision not to report this attack. It is a sad enough commentary on our society and community to read about how the responding police viewed this crime, but for our only newspaper to decide that they will hide from the truth rather than report the truth is PATHETIC! Any attack by a mob of people on any innocent victim should be put under a bright spotlight for all involved to be judged and exposed as appropriate, and to make sure that the criminal justice system does its job to protect those who obey the law.”
William Tabor of Chesapeake, Va., complained: “Surely the Pilot knew about it. A racially motivated attack is certainly news. Was it not politically correct enough to be reported? Is civilization suspended in Norfolk after dark? If we can’t rely on the police for protection, and our [news] media fails to warn us of such hazards, we can only rely on ourselves.”
Charles Chandler of Norfolk indicated: “I am not sure what I am angrier about. This story, or the crowd of black teens who needlessly and thoughtlessly beat two white victims. Or am I just angry that this still occurs in the year 2012. Nearly fifty years after the marches and the speeches and the declaration of civil liberties for all people. Clearly we are nowhere near the dream Dr. King envisioned. I am angry. I am angry at the calloused cop who stated “this is what they do”. I am angry at the Pilot for hiding it under a bushel.”
And Douglas Gaynor of Virginia Beach brought up the need for self-defense, saying, “If the young lady was armed and trained, she could have whipped out P345 and taken out a few thugs.”

miércoles, abril 11, 2012

Rush: Obama intentionally stoking racial chaos‎/ By Joe Kovacs
Radio host Rush Limbaugh says President Obama and officials in his administration are intentionally stoking racial chaos in America in connection with the Trayvon Martin case.
“There’s no question that the White House wants this kind of chaos and unrest in the culture,” Limbaugh said this afternoon.
His comments came moments before the Washington Post reported Florida special prosecutor Angela Corey planned to announce she is charging neighborhood watch volunteer George Zimmerman in the shooting of Martin.
Limbaugh said the situation is “a powder keg waiting to go off,” and that “nobody that I see is doing anything to try to make sure that powder keg doesn’t explode.”
He added: “If in the White House they wanted to cool this down, which they should do, they could do it. All it would take … would be Obama addressing the nation to calm this down, and then speaking about it in genuine American terms, not racial terms. If they wanted tot do that, they could. Other presidents have. It’s not happening here.”
Limbaugh says the White House has determined “it is helpful for Obama’s re-election because they believe that they can tie all of this to the existence of Republicans and conservatives, that the racial problems exist because of never-ending racism of the right, never-ending racism of Republicans. And that’s why George Zimmerman in the New York Times is called a white Hispanic. There are people un the race industry who became excited that this event took place because it allowed them to carry forward with their template, that we still are a nation, essentially, with slaves. You couple that with what I think is a chip on Obama’s shoulder about the founding of the country, the engrained discrimination, his anger over it, his opportunity now here to finally make it right.”
Martin, 17 and unarmed, was shot and killed Feb. 26 by Zimmerman, who said he was acting in self-defense after getting his bashed by Martin. Police in Sanford, Fla., where the shooting took place, initially did not charge Zimmerman, based on the state’s “stand your ground” law.  More >>

jueves, febrero 02, 2012

Hacked neo-Nazi websites reveal Canadian connections

The names of dozens of alleged white supremacists in Canada are contained in files leaked by computer hackers in Europe intent on exposing hate movements, CBC News has learned.
The alleged white supremacists' names were revealed earlier this month by members of a loose-knit group of hackers called Anonymous on a website called, which is now offline.
In addition to emails and secret websites and blogs, the hackers uncovered photographs of children giving Nazi salutes at a gathering in Missouri, confidential legal documents and displays of Hitler tattoos.
A picture of a young boy making a Nazi salute at a meeting in Missouri are among photos uncovered when computer hackers infiltrated online hate sites. 
A picture of a young boy making a Nazi salute at a meeting in Missouri are among photos uncovered when computer hackers infiltrated online hate sites. (CBC)
The exposure is a huge blow to hate groups that organize online across Canada, said Helmut-Harry Loewen, a University of Winnipeg sociology professor and a member of the Canadian Anti-racism Education and Research Society.
"We can now begin to piece together a more accurate picture in terms of the distribution of these types of racist groups across Canada," Loewen said. More >>

jueves, noviembre 17, 2011

Fragmentos de "El Miedo al Negro" de Juan F. Benemelis

Presentamos a los lectores de Afromodernidades este fragmento del libro inédito de Juan F. Benemelis El miedo al negro. Donde su autor, a través de una minuciosa y documentada investigación, nos revela sobre una de las páginas más siniestras, lamentables y poco conocidas de la historia de la República, vincula a la ideología supremacista blanca y sus prácticas de blanqueamiento.
La Ideología supremacista blanca de Cuba. La eugenesia cubana. Estado y Nación. El Nacionalismo racista. Colonialidad y Descolonización.
La Ideología supremacista blanca de Cuba.
El tema de la composición racial de la Isla, así como “el miedo al negro” entronizado por la revolución de Haití, era la constante en la sociedad cubana durante el siglo XIX, y lo continuó siendo en el XX y ha llegado hasta el XXI. La esclavitud del africano, el racismo contra el negro y el mulato, la segregación en la política y la economía no fueron aplicadas por los euro-cubanos en un vacío teórico, ni fue resultado de la real-politik o de las leyes económicas del momento. La oligarquía criolla decimonónica y la clase rectora veinteañera tuvieron sus ideólogos destacados y echaron manos a todas las teorías que justificaban la esclavitud y el racismo a partir, supuestamente, de las “ciencias”.
No fue o ha sido una hegemonía improvisada o ad-hoc, sino intencional, bien pensada, con un corpus teórico, que en nada envidia a la de los colonizadores afro-asiáticos del siglo XIX o de los proponentes de la superioridad “aria”.
En el proceso de asentar su supremacía y de imponer los intereses de su sexo, “raza” y clase, durante cuatro siglos, el patriciado criollo distanciaría a quienes necesitaba explotar y controlar, instaurando así, entre otras cosas, la “desaparición” del indio, la discriminación del negro, la marginalización del chino y la invisibilidad de la mujer de todas las razas. Es a partir del color blanco de los castellanos que se construye en América, especialmente en estas islas cisatlánticas, el orden jerárquico de la sociedad colonial, que iniciándose en la cima piramidal con el blanco peninsular, pasaría por el blanco criollo, luego el mestizo hijo de blanco y de india, el mulato hijo de blanco y negra, o blanco y mulata, termina con el negro en sus dos variantes: emancipado y esclavo. Así tuvieron lugar en Cuba los bochornosos pasajes de la investigación de los ancestros, de los “certificados de blancos” y de pureza de sangre.
Para emigrar a Cuba era necesario un juramento de “limpieza de sangre e hidalguía” y debía estar reclamado por alguien en Cuba: “Que no es descendiente de moros ni judíos ni ha sido jamás procesado por delito de Inquisición. Que tampoco procede de moros ni mulatos” (Murillo: 118-119).
El debate de las aparecidas teorías evolucionistas sobre la unidad o diversidad de la especie humana y la inferioridad o superioridad entre unas y otras “razas”, tuvo lugar inicialmente y con más encono en la Real Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de la Habana; aspecto que desbordó la institución y que fue y sigue siendo la cuestión central de Cuba (García González, 1996, 25-26). En la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País se formó la comisión de población blanca, la cual estuvo integrada en todo momento por intelectuales, comerciantes y algunos grandes hacendados, como José Ricardo O`Farrill, Juan Montalvo, Andrés Jáuregui, Tomás Romay, y Antonio del Valle Hernández
Pero donde mejor puede observarse es en los proyectos presentados en 1856 por José Suárez Argudín, Manuel Basilio Cunha Reis y Luciano Fernández Perdones, de traer aprendices africanos libres a la isla, expresando que el negro era justamente clasificado como la “raza” inferior de la gran familia humana y como el grado intermedio entre “raza” caucásica y el segundo orden de la escala zoológica.
Felipe Poey compartía la creencia de que el hombre blanco era superior y más inteligente al hombre negro, por ser el más civilizado. En un célebre discurso ante la Sociedad Económica, Poey abogó por una sociedad blanca, que frenase el continuo avance de la población de color y que constituyera el grueso de la sociedad sobre la que se levantaría Cuba. Tanto este discurso de Poey, como el de Antonio Bachiller y Morales y la disertación de Ramón Zambrana, ese mismo día en tal institución, si bien implicaban un agudo ataque contra la esclavitud por su profunda crítica étnico-religiosa y humanística, pero sobre todo antropológica y científica, por otra parte se apoyaba una inmigración blanca, espontánea y libre (Zambrana, 1864, 259-268).
Antonio Bachiller y Morales defendía la necesidad de establecer en la Isla un régimen autonómico, y abrazó el separatismo muy posteriormente. No puede negarse que era un vehemente partidario de la abolición; una de sus piezas conocidas fue su disertación en el Liceo de Guanabacoa sobre la unidad moral de las razas. En 1985 escribe su monografía De la Antropología en Cuba y dos años después, con tres cuarto de siglo, publica Los Negros. Bachiller y Morales estudió el proceso de la esclavitud de los africanos en Cuba con la trata y el movimiento abolicionista y penetró en las creencias, instituciones, costumbres y tradiciones de los africanos. Murió en La Habana en 1889. (Costa, 1994, 207-208)
Sobre estos “ilustrados” descansó la conformación del siglo XIX cubano, estableciendo los paradigmas ideológicos de la élite blanco-europea hegemónica, influyendo en las vías del crecimiento económico, en la entronización de las ciencias, en especial de las que se centraban en el humano como la biología, la antropología, la sociología, la psicología y la psiquiatría; desgraciadamente todo para finalmente tratar de demostrar la superioridad de unos hombres (los blancos) frente a otros (los negros y mulatos).
Es notorio que en esta búsqueda de “pureza” de parte de la población blanca de la Isla pasaba por alto el hecho histórico que los ibéricos, como menos a partir del Neo-lítico, habían atravesado por un vasto proceso de mestizaje con los grupos humanos que poblaban el litoral norte del África, y en el caso de los canarios con el África occidental.
La controversia de monogenistas y poligenistas del siglo XVIII, la cual se debatió fuertemente en Cuba en el siglo XIX y primera mitad del XX, tenía además un fondo religioso pues, los adeptos al monogenismo consideraban la descendencia a partir de Adán y Eva, como planteaba el Antiguo Testamento.  Esta tendencia de buscar un asidero “científico” que justificase el trabajo esclavo o la subordinación al poder político y económico, vía demostración de raza inferior, encontró en la antropología y en las ciencias médicas elementos para apoyar y avalar tales actos.
PARA EL ARTICULO COMPLETO – El miedo al negro, fragmento
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Retratos de fusilados por el Castrismo - Juan Abreu


"EN TIEMPOS DIFÍCILES" - Heberto Padilla

A aquel hombre le pidieron su tiempo

para que lo juntara al tiempo de la Historia.

Le pidieron las manos,

porque para una época difícil

nada hay mejor que un par de buenas manos.

Le pidieron los ojos

que alguna vez tuvieron lágrimas

para que contemplara el lado claro

(especialmente el lado claro de la vida)

porque para el horror basta un ojo de asombro.

Le pidieron sus labios

resecos y cuarteados para afirmar,

para erigir, con cada afirmación, un sueño


le pidieron las piernas

duras y nudosas

(sus viejas piernas andariegas),

porque en tiempos difíciles

¿algo hay mejor que un par de piernas

para la construcción o la trinchera?

Le pidieron el bosque que lo nutrió de niño,

con su árbol obediente.

Le pidieron el pecho, el corazón, los hombros.

Le dijeron

que eso era estrictamente necesario.

Le explicaron después

que toda esta donación resultaria inútil.

sin entregar la lengua,

porque en tiempos difíciles

nada es tan útil para atajar el odio o la mentira.

Y finalmente le rogaron

que, por favor, echase a andar,

porque en tiempos difíciles

esta es, sin duda, la prueba decisiva.


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La columna de Cubanalisis

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]
¨Saturno jugando con sus hijos¨/ Pedro Pablo Oliva


Carta desde la carcel de Fidel Castro Ruz

“…después de todo, para mí la cárcel es un buen descanso, que sólo tiene de malo el que es obligatorio. Leo mucho y estudio mucho. Parece increíble, las horas pasan como si fuesen minutos y yo, que soy de temperamento intranquilo, me paso el día leyendo, apenas sin moverme para nada. La correspondencia llega normalmente…”

“…Como soy cocinero, de vez en cuando me entretengo preparando algún pisto. Hace poco me mandó mi hermana desde Oriente un pequeño jamón y preparé un bisté con jalea de guayaba. También preparo spaghettis de vez en cuando, de distintas formas, inventadas todas por mí; o bien tortilla de queso. ¡Ah! ¡Qué bien me quedan! por supuesto, que el repertorio no se queda ahí. Cuelo también café que me queda muy sabroso”.
“…En cuanto a fumar, en estos días pasados he estado rico: una caja de tabacos H. Upman del doctor Miró Cardona, dos cajas muy buenas de mi hermano Ramón….”.
“Me voy a cenar: spaghettis con calamares, bombones italianos de postre, café acabadito de colar y después un H. Upman #4. ¿No me envidias?”.
“…Me cuidan, me cuidan un poquito entre todos. No le hacen caso a uno, siempre estoy peleando para que no me manden nada. Cuando cojo el sol por la mañana en shorts y siento el aire de mar, me parece que estoy en una playa… ¡Me van a hacer creer que estoy de vacaciones! ¿Qué diría Carlos Marx de semejantes revolucionarios?”.


¨La patria es dicha de todos, y dolor de todos, y cielo para todos, y no feudo ni capellaní­a de nadie¨ - Marti

"No temas ni a la prision, ni a la pobreza, ni a la muerte. Teme al miedo"
Giacomo Leopardi

¨Por eso es muy importante, Vicky, hijo mío, que recuerdes siempre para qué sirve la cabeza: para atravesar paredes¨Halvar de Flake [El vikingo]

"Como no me he preocupado de nacer, no me preocupo de morir" - Lorca

"Al final, no os preguntarán qué habéis sabido, sino qué habéis hecho" - Jean de Gerson

"Si queremos que todo siga como está, es necesario que todo cambie" - Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa

"Todo hombre paga su grandeza con muchas pequeñeces, su victoria con muchas derrotas, su riqueza con múltiples quiebras" - Giovanni Papini

"Life is what happens while you are busy making other plans" - John Lennon

"Habla bajo, lleva siempre un gran palo y llegarás lejos" - Proverbio Africano

"No hay medicina para el miedo" - Proverbio escoces

"El supremo arte de la guerra es doblegar al enemigo sin luchar"
- Sun Tzu

"You do not really understand something unless you can explain it to your grandmother" - Albert Einstein

"It is inaccurate to say I hate everything. I am strongly in favor of common sense, common honesty, and common decency. This makes me forever ineligible for public office" - H. L. Menken

"I swore never to be silent whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation. We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented" - Elie Wiesel

"Stay hungry, stay foolish" -
Steve Jobs

"If you put the federal government in charge of the Sahara Desert , in five years ther'ed be a shortage of sand" - Milton Friedman

"The tragedy of modern man is not that he knows less and less about the meaning of his own life, but that it bothers him less and less" - Vaclav Havel

"No se puede controlar el resultado, pero si lo que uno haga para alcanzarlo" -
Vitor Belfort [MMA Fighter]


A la puerta de la gloria está San Pedro sentado y ve llegar a su lado a un hombre de cierta historia. No consigue hacer memoria y le pregunta con celo: ¿Quién eras allá en el suelo? Era Liborio mi nombre. Has sufrido mucho, hombre, entra, te has ganado el cielo.

Para Raul Castro

Cuba ocupa el penultimo lugar en el mundo en libertad economica solo superada por Corea del Norte.

Cuba ocupa el lugar 147 entre 153 paises evaluados en "Democracia, Mercado y Transparencia 2007"

Cuando vinieron

Cuando vinieron a buscar a los comunistas, Callé: yo no soy comunista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los sindicalistas, Callé: yo no soy sindicalista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los judíos, Callé: yo no soy judío. Cuando vinieron a buscar a los católicos, Callé: yo no soy “tan católico”.
Cuando vinieron a buscarme a mí, Callé: no había quien me escuchara.

Reverendo Martin Niemöller

Martha Colmenares

Martha Colmenares
Un sitio donde los hechos y sus huellas nos conmueven o cautivan


Donde esta el Mundo, donde los Democratas, donde los Liberales? El pueblo de Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan los Green, los Socialdemocratas, los Ricos y los Pobres, los Con Voz y Sin Voz? Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan el Jet Set, los Reyes y Principes, Patricios y Plebeyos? Cuba desesperada clama por solidaridad.
Donde Bob Dylan, donde Martin Luther King, donde Hollywood y sus estrellas? Donde la Middle Class democrata y conservadora, o acaso tambien liberal a ratos? Y Gandhi? Y el Dios de Todos?
Donde los Santos y Virgenes; los Dioses de Cristianos, Protestantes, Musulmanes, Budistas, Testigos de Jehova y Adventistas del Septimo Dia. Donde estan Ochun y todas las deidades del Panteon Yoruba que no acuden a nuestro llanto? Donde Juan Pablo II que no exige mas que Cuba se abra al Mundo y que el Mundo se abra a Cuba?
Que hacen ahora mismo Alberto de Monaco y el Principe Felipe que no los escuchamos? Donde Madonna, donde Angelina Jolie y sus adoptados around de world; o nos hara falta un Brando erguido en un Oscar por Cuba? Donde Sean Penn?
Donde esta la Aristocracia Obrera y los Obreros menos Aristocraticos, donde los Working Class que no estan junto a un pueblo que lanquidece, sufre y llora por la ignominia?
Que hacen ahora mismo Zapatero y Rajoy que no los escuchamos, y Harper y Dion, e Hillary y Obama; donde McCain que no los escuchamos? Y los muertos? Y los que estan muriendo? Y los que van a morir? Y los que se lanzan desesperados al mar?
Donde estan el minero cantabrico o el pescador de percebes gijonese? Los Canarios donde estan? A los africanos no los oimos, y a los australianos con su acento de hombres duros tampoco. Y aquellos chinos milenarios de Canton que fundaron raices eternas en la Isla? Y que de la Queen Elizabeth y los Lords y Gentlemen? Que hace ahora mismo el combativo Principe Harry que no lo escuchamos?
Donde los Rockefellers? Donde los Duponts? Donde Kate Moss? Donde el Presidente de la ONU? Y Solana donde esta? Y los Generales y Doctores? Y los Lam y los Fabelo, y los Sivio y los Fito Paez?
Y que de Canseco y Miñoso? Y de los veteranos de Bahia de Cochinos y de los balseros y de los recien llegados? Y Carlos Otero y Susana Perez? Y el Bola, y Pancho Cespedes? Y YO y TU?
Y todos nosotros que estamos aqui y alla rumiando frustaciones y resquemores, envidias y sinsabores; autoelogios y nostalgias, en tanto Louis Michel comulga con Perez Roque mientras Biscet y una NACION lanquidecen?
Donde Maceo, donde Marti; donde aquel Villena con su carga para matar bribones?
Cuba llora y clama y el Mundo NO ESCUCHA!!!

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