CONTRA EL PINGALISMO CASTRISTA/ "Se que no existe el consuelo que no existe la anhelada tierrra de mis suenos ni la desgarrada vision de nuestros heroes. Pero te seguimos buscando, patria,..." - Reinaldo Arenas

Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Gorbachov. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Gorbachov. Mostrar todas las entradas

sábado, noviembre 30, 2013

Rouhani's Gorbachev Moment | Foreign Affairs

By Stephen Kotkin
www.internationalpolicydigest.org
Could Iranian President Hassan Rouhani be another Mikhail Gorbachev -- a real reformer who opens his country’s political system and creates the space for détente with the United States and Europe?
Historical analogies are always fraught, of course, and leaders who are championed as reformers almost always leave disillusionment in their wakes. In addition, the jury is still out on whether a nuclear deal between the United States and Iran, which would open the door for a relaxation of painful sanctions, is even a good idea -- the specifics of the agreement matter greatly.
But whichever side one comes down on, it is worth considering where the Islamic Republic might be headed. In that regard, there are a few areas to watch.
NOTHING LEFT TO LOSE
Gorbachev was unique, a true believer in Soviet renewal who sat at the very top of a profoundly centralized political system.
Rouhani is nothing like him. In fact, Rouhani came to power precisely because of Tehran’s deep fragmentation, particularly within its right-wing establishment. The fracturing created an opening that Rouhani burst through in a surprise electoral victory in June 2013. But it also means that he cannot impose far-reaching reform. No one in Iran could, not even Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei. (If anything, the ceaseless invocations of Khamenei’s “supreme” authority testify to its absence, as well as his desire to have it.)
That said, the Iran state structure is similar to that of the former Soviet Union in some respects. Namely, both were born of revolution, which created a theocracy -- in one case with a clerical establishment, in the other with a Communist party -- that overrode the formal institutions of the state, such as parliaments, judiciaries, and civil service. In Iran, as in the Soviet Union in the 1980s, the revolution is aging, with far-reaching consequences. An official ideology, whether Marxism-Leninism or political Islam, can give a regime great power. But it can also destabilize the theocratic system if the populace and the rulers lose faith. And there, Iran is vulnerable.
A second similarity can be found in Iran’s imperial overstretch. It is problematic enough that Iran’s geopolitical ambitions significantly exceed its capabilities. But it is really taxing that the places and causes in which the country has chosen to become enmeshed are so volatile. Soviet leaders would sympathize: as KGB analysts ruefully lamented, mostly after the collapse of the union, the regime’s allies almost always seemed to be impoverished basket cases whose only industry was perpetual civil war. Working with them might have poked the United States in the eye. But it did little for Soviet prestige, economic well-being, and security. From Afghanistan and Angola to Cuba and Yemen, to say nothing of North Korea, hawkish Soviet foreign policy often resembled a very determined stomp on a rake. (Thwack.)
Something similar, on a smaller scale, could be said of Iran's foreign policy. By now, most Americans understand that the intervention in Iraq (the second Iraq War), waged at great cost in American blood and treasure, redounded to Iran’s geopolitical benefit. Many analysts argue that the United States’ failure to intervene militarily in Syria did the same. But it is difficult to pinpoint, precisely, what Iran gained in Iraq or Syria. It is unclear that Iranian regional “successes” improved its security or its citizens’ well-being. One could even argue that Iran’s support for mischief (and worse) has only heightened the regime’s vulnerability -- just like the domestic failures of political Islamism.
Like the Soviet Union, Iran lives in a tough geopolitical neighborhood, one that has only been getting tougher. Statelets concocted by French and British colonial officials, the bankruptcy of pan-Arab nationalism, the recent struggles to the death between hopelessly corrupt authoritarians and the opposition (which is also often authoritarian), some violent de facto partitions -- these have created a regional tangle that inflicts immense suffering and that no outside power can readily unknot.
Simply put, U.S. policy in the Middle East is in shambles because the Middle East is in shambles. Iran’s Middle East policy is in shambles too. Persistently playing the role of spoiler in one’s own neighborhood brings few long-term rewards -- and that is even before the recent round of international sanctions (a stunning achievement made possible by the fact that China and Russia, as much as they chafe at U.S. power, dislike any kind of revisionism other than their own). Thanks to Iran’s behavior, its neighborhood has become still more treacherous, and the pain is multiplied by the country’s international isolation, high inflation, and collapsing currency.
At this point, Iran has little to lose but its own chains if it reforms and cooperates with the West. Of course, that is no guarantee that it will. Just because something is necessary does not mean that it is politically feasible. In fact, Iran’s political establishment is far from ready for a drastic turnabout in relations with the Great Satan. The structures that facilitated the U.S.-Iranian alliance during the Cold War are long gone -- the genuine Soviet menace, the strongman regime installed by a U.S.-sponsored coup, even the intense dependency on foreign oil. At the same time, the U.S. alliance with Israel, Iran’s sworn enemy, has only deepened. Any mini-détente with the United States, which is vital for Iran’s domestic development, is going to require far-reaching domestic changes.
And herein lies Rouhani’s Gorbachev moment.
Keep reading at Foreign Affairs >>
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miércoles, septiembre 04, 2013

Gorbachov dice que "transición" en Cuba debe respetarse

es decir gorbi: que los kaxtroz y sucesores designados lleven a vias de hecho sin ser molestados el "transito" al postcastrismo biranico y totalitario.
----------------------- 
Cuba noticias disidentes
Gorbachev en la sede de la Cruz Verde Internacional
El último presidente de la Unión Soviética, Mijaíl Gorbachov, afirmó hoy que el proceso de transición que se está viviendo en Cuba debe ser respetado y que ningún otro país debe intentar dictarle lo que tiene que hacer, informa la agencia EFE.

"Si alguien quiere dictar a Cuba cómo tiene que proceder o hacerle demandas injustas, no funcionará", dijo el estadista a un pequeño grupo de periodistas a los que recibió al margen de los eventos en los que participa para celebrar el vigésimo aniversario de su ONG "Cruz Verde Internacional", con sede en Ginebra.

"Cuba es respetada en la comunidad internacional, así que veamos lo que sucederá y cómo gestionará esto", dijo refiriéndose a las reformas económicas que el Gobierno de Raúl Castro ha introducido en los últimos años, pero que no se han visto acompañadas de mayores gestos de apertura política.

Gorbachov también opinó que Fidel Castro es un personaje todavía "muy influyente" e insistió en que la manera cómo se produzcan los cambios de toda índole en la isla dependerá exclusivamente de los cubanos.

El expresidente sí manifestó claramente su deseo de que se normalicen "las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y Cuba", aunque enfatizó que esto depende más del primer país.
Finalmente, sostuvo que muchos problemas relacionados con Cuba "son consecuencias de errores cometidos durante la Guerra Fría".

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viernes, noviembre 16, 2012

“Alone With Myself”/ Mikhail Gorbachev

Former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev signs his book in Moscow, Tuesday, Nov. 13, 2012
MOSCOW (AP) — Mikhail Gorbachev says he's feeling the effects of old age, but aims to stay active as long as he can.
Speaking Tuesday at a presentation of his new book, the 81-year-old former Soviet leader said: "In the last few years I've begun to ail, and seriously. In the last five years I've had four operations."
"But I really will continue to work as long as I have the strength," he said, according to the Interfax news agency.
The book, titled "Alone With Myself," chronicles Gorbachev's life from his childhood to the 1991 demise of the Soviet Union. The book, dedicated to his late wife Raisa, is full of previously undisclosed personal details, including the story of their romance.
Raisa Gorbachev died in 1999 of leukemia.
In the book, Gorbachev describes how they first saw each other at a dancing party: "During the first meeting, she showed no interest in me. And I tried not to show that she made a huge impression on me."
During their next meeting, Raisa said she couldn't believe that Gorbachev was 20 and that he looked much older. "I reacted stupidly: I ran for my passport and showed it to her. And then I felt badly about it, ashamed before the other boys."
There also was an element of jealousy. Raisa was being courted by a young man whose affluent family was in sharp contrast with Gorbachev's peasant roots.
But Raisa's romance with the man ended after a few months when his mother disliked her at their first meeting and demanded that he rupture the link.
She and Gorbacehv started dating and married in 1953. Raisa borrowed shoes for their wedding from a friend.
He also chronicled Raisa's battle with leukemia, describing agonizing days at her bedside, and tells of the stroke she suffered when a group of hardliners briefly ousted Gorbachev during an August 1991 coup attempt.
"She lost her speech, and her right hand went numb. I remembered her eyes in these minutes, and I still see them. There was a fear and a pleading in them," he writes.
Raisa's health continued to deteriorate after that.

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miércoles, diciembre 07, 2011

Gorbachev: Annul Russian election results, hold new vote

MOSCOW - Former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev urged Russian authorities to annul the results of the scandal-marred parliamentary election and hold a new vote, Russia's Interfax news agency reported Wednesday.
The news came a day after thousands of Russians rallied in Moscow and St. Petersburg and faced off with police and Interior Ministry troops, who detained and arrested hundreds of protesters, including journalists.
"The country's leaders have to admit that there were numerous falsifications and rigging and the results do not reflect the will of the people," Gorbachev told Interfax, according to the AFP.
"Therefore I think they can only take one decision — annul the results of the election and hold new ones."
Thousands of security forces were out in the Russian capital and helicopters roamed the sky Wednesday in a show of force following the protests over the election that saw Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's party struggle to keep a majority. More >>

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viernes, agosto 19, 2011

Tres días que precipitaron la caída del Imperio Soviético

PILAR BONET
El intento de golpe de Estado que mantuvo en vilo al mundo durante tres días de agosto de 1991 se desdibuja y mitifica en la memoria de los participantes y testigos de aquellos sucesos que condenaron a muerte a la URSS (Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas), un Estado de 22.400 kilómetros cuadrados desde el Báltico hasta el Pacífico pasando por las montañas del Pamir. Pero aquellos acontecimientos que acabaron con el sistema comunista soviético no son aún historia, porque sus consecuencias se sienten hasta el día de hoy.

Continuar leyendo >


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jueves, julio 28, 2011

Porno para Ricardo: "LSDPDLL"

Uploaded by on Jul 27, 2011

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martes, julio 12, 2011

The Far Side of the Soviet Moon: Ten of Russia's most disturbing unsolved mysteries

By David E. Hoffman


The 20 years since the Soviet collapse have been a gold mine for historians -- gold because of the valuable discoveries in archives and memoirs, and a mine because of the intense, frustrating labor that's often required to bring them to light. In many ways, we've still only scratched the surface of Soviet history; what we've found so far has made for engrossing accounts taken from records and testimony about once-secret events. But there's so much we still don't know.
Consider a hefty and valuable new volume, Masterpieces of History: The Peaceful End of the Cold War in Europe. The book is like a secret vault that lays out the most fascinating top-secret documents about the revolutions of 1989. Vladislav Zubok, one of the volume's editors, compared it to the observable side of the moon -- there is still a far side that has not been seen.
In that spirit, here is my entirely arbitrary list of 10 Soviet mysteries waiting for us on the far side of the moon.
1. What happened to the billions of dollars' worth of gold and cash supposedly held by the Communist Party after the Soviet collapse? Some foreign press reports at the time suggested it was swiftly spirited away to foreign bank accounts, but there has never been any evidence. Yegor Gaidar, Boris Yeltsin's prime minister, once hired the international private detective firm Kroll Associates to help find it, but to no avail. How much was involved, and where did it go?
2. Did the Soviet Union ever develop a portable "suitcase" nuclear weapon? There has been lots of wild speculation, but never any proof. The Russian general Alexander Lebed said in 1997 that there were 100 Soviet-era suitcase nukes built and that about half were missing. But Lebed's account was vague and inconsistent, and others denied it or claimed he may have confused them with nuclear land mines. Who was right?
3. In the first weeks after the Chernobyl nuclear disaster in late April 1986, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev was strangely silent. He didn't speak out about it until May 14, more than two weeks later. What was said and done at the highest levels in those early days of the emergency? Why did this man of action seem so paralyzed?
4. From the early 1970s, Soviet leaders approved a secret biological weapons program. We know broad outlines of the research, but there is almost nothing known about the military side. Was there a "concept of use," or a military doctrine, for germ warfare, against whom, and on what battlefield? Were special-purpose weapons created for it? What happened to all of it after the Soviet collapse?
5. We're still missing key information about the Cuban missile crisis, like just what was said during visits to the Soviet Union by Cuban revolutionaries such as Raúl Castro and Che Guevara before the 1962 crisis, and Fidel Castro afterward. Although records have emerged of Politburo meetings and cables during the crisis, their talks with Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev before and after could shed new light on why they deployed the nuclear weapons and what lessons they drew from it.

Read more...


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Gorby, the Man Who Changed the World

BY EDMUND DOWNIE, SOPHIA JONES

An FP Photo Essay


The son of an agricultural mechanic in the North Caucasus, Mikhail Gorbachev wasn't exactly tapped for greatness at birth. Eighty years later, though, he stands out as one of the giants of 20th-century history for his role in engineering the end of the Cold War. Elected as the youngest full member of the Politburo in 1980, he took over the Communist Party's top office in 1985 and proceeded to introduce the first steps of liberalization to the world's most powerful communist country, through his programs of glasnost and perestroika. Meanwhile, he built strong relationships with Western leaders such as U.S. President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Although his reign ended in 1991 with the demise of the Soviet Union, he has remained active in public life as a politician, commentator, and celebrity.
Here, Gorbachev looks up on an official visit to London in 1984.
Full story...
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The Long, Lame Afterlife of Mikhail Gorbachev

By Anne Applebaum

See a slideshow about Gorby's life in the limelight
In the most notable of the many photographs snapped at the gala held to mark his 80th birthday, Mikhail Gorbachev seems shorter and rounder than he did in his prime, back when he was one of the most important people in the world. He is inscrutable, only half-smiling; he also looks disheveled, and perhaps unsure of himself. Those impressions may of course be exaggerated by the fact that in this particular picture, the onetime general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union has his arm around Sharon Stone. Stone is wearing a slinky, champagne-colored dress and bright red lipstick. She is grinning widely. In heels, she is a good 6 inches taller than Gorbachev, which certainly takes away from his aura of authority.
But then, it has been a very long time since Gorbachev actually had an aura of authority. In fact, everything about his garish birthday party screamed "B-list celebrity." Stone hasn't starred in a hit movie for a good while; neither has Kevin Spacey, who co-hosted the event alongside her. Also in attendance were Goldie Hawn, Arnold Schwarzenegger, Ted Turner, Shirley Bassey, and, I'm sorry to say, Lech Walesa. The gala was ostensibly a fundraiser for the Raisa Gorbachev Foundation, which helps raise money for the care of children with cancer. But mostly the evening served to underline the strangeness of Gorbachev's fate. Here was the man who had launched glasnost and perestroika, who had presided over the dismantling of the Soviet empire and then the Soviet Union itself, one of the founding statesmen of modern Russia -- and yet his birthday gala was held in the Royal Albert Hall, in London, among people who hardly knew him.
This was not an accident: Twenty years after the dissolution of the USSR, Russia is ambivalent, at best, about Gorbachev. Far from being hailed as a hero, he is mostly remembered as a disastrous leader, if he is remembered at all. Yes, he launched a new era of openness with previously unthinkable freedoms in the 1980s, but in Russia he is also held responsible for the economic collapse of the 1990s. Most Russians don't thank him for ending the Soviet empire either. On the contrary, the current Russian prime minister, Vladimir Putin, has described the dismantling of the Soviet Union as "the greatest geopolitical catastrophe" of the 20th century. An opinion poll released in March, at the time of his birthday, showed that some 20 percent of Russians feel actively hostile toward Gorbachev, 47 percent of Russians "don't care about him at all," and only 5 percent admire him. And this was an improvement: Another poll, in 2005, found active hostility toward him in 45 percent of Russians. The word "perestroika" in Russia today has almost purely negative connotations.
In London and Washington, Gorbachev's reputation is of course more positive. He is regarded with affection -- he was invited to Ronald Reagan's funeral and to George H.W. Bush's own 80th birthday party -- and frequently hailed as a "symbol" of peace and the Cold War's welcome end. But he tends to be paid rather bland and even inappropriate compliments. At his birthday party, Paul Anka sang a duet with a Soviet-era rock musician. The chorus: "One day we'll recall, he was changing the world for us all." Stone then lauded him with a rhetorical question: "Where would Russia be if it weren't reaping the benefits of a free democracy?" I wish I'd been there to see the embarrassment on the faces of the spectators at the Royal Albert Hall -- for Russia has not actually reaped the benefits of free democracy, as every Russian in the room knew perfectly well. Even Gorbachev himself recently described Russian democracy as a sham: "We have institutions, but they don't work. We have laws, but they must be enforced."

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Soviet Union Meltdown

By Gennady Burbulis with Michele A. Berdy

"That scum!" Boris Yeltsin fumed. "It's a coup. We can't let them get away with it."
It was the morning of Aug. 19, 1991, and the Russian president was standing at the door of his dacha in Arkhangelskoe, a compound of small country houses outside Moscow where the top Russian government officials lived. I had raced over from my own house nearby, after a friend called from Moscow, frantic and nearly hysterical, insisting that I turn on the radio. There had been a coup; Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev had been removed from power.
Five minutes later I was at Yeltsin's dacha, an unassuming two-story yellow brick building, where a small group of his closest associates soon gathered. In addition to me (at the time, his secretary of state), there was Ivan Silayev, the head of the Russian cabinet; Ruslan Khasbulatov, the acting chairman of the Supreme Soviet; Mikhail Poltoranin, the minister of press and mass information; Sergei Shakhrai, the state councilor; and Viktor Yaroshenko, the minister of foreign economic relations. Anatoly Sobchak, the mayor of Leningrad, and Yuri Luzhkov, the deputy mayor of Moscow, arrived not long after. Everyone crowded into Yeltsin's small living room.

Three Days in Foros
In August 1991, Soviet hardlines held Mikhail Gorbachev captive in a last-ditch effort to save the Soviet empire. His foreign policy advisor tells the story.
For months we had half-expected something like this. By the summer of 1991, the Soviet Union was falling apart at the seams. The economy was imploding, the deficit was ballooning, hard currency and gold reserves had been decimated, and Gorbachev's stopgap reforms had only exacerbated the crisis. The notion of a "Soviet people," unified under the banner of socialism, was collapsing along with it. Legislatures in the republics, which had already demanded greater freedoms within the USSR, began calling for independence. By the spring of 1991, five republics -- Armenia, Estonia, Georgia, Latvia, and Lithuania -- had declared it officially. In Russia, democratic forces wanted an end to Soviet totalitarian rule. Our aim was not to allow the chaotic dissolution of the USSR, but to transform it into a confederation that would afford each republic considerable self-determination under its aegis.
We had been moving in this direction for several years. Yeltsin and the other democratic candidates had been elected to the Russian parliament in 1990 with the goal of securing more legally protected rights and freedoms, as well as a market economy, and Yeltsin had been elected president of Russia in June 1991 with almost 60 percent of the vote. But while we were secure in our popular mandate, we were utterly powerless to deal with the greatest threat to Russia: economic collapse. More than 93 percent of the economy, by our estimation, was controlled by the Soviet government. Yeltsin and those of us in his circle of closest associates soon came to believe that unless we were to content ourselves with being nothing more than a ceremonial body, we had to change the legal and economic bases of the union itself.
Gorbachev and a small group of Soviet reformers had accepted this, too. We began to work together on a new union treaty that would transform the Soviet Union into a confederation of sovereign states with a limited central government. Yeltsin planned to sign the controversial pact on Aug. 20.
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miércoles, mayo 25, 2011

Top #Gorbachev Adviser Chronicles Final Year of the Soviet Union

Marking the 90th birthday of former top Gorbachev advisor Anatoly Sergeevich Chernyaev, the National Security Archive today publishes on the Web at www.nsarchive.org the latest installment of the unique and invaluable Chernyaev diary, covering the final fateful year of the Soviet Union, 1991.

Chief foreign policy aide to Gorbachev from 1986 through 1991 and a leading architect of perestroika and "new thinking," Anatoly Sergeevich remains a champion of glasnost, sharing his notes, documents and first-hand insights with scholars trying to understand the peaceful end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. In 2004, he donated the originals of his detailed diaries covering the years from 1972 through 1991, to the National Security Archive in order to ensure permanent public access to this record -- beyond the reach of political uncertainties in contemporary Russia.

Translated into English for the first time, by Anna Melyakova and edited by Svetlana Savranskaya of the Archive's Russia/Eurasia program, today's posting on the year 1991 is the sixth installment of the Archive's publication of the Chernyaev diary, now covering all of the crucial Gorbachev years, 1985 through 1991.

Visit the Archive's Web site for more information.

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sábado, marzo 05, 2011

CrossTalk on 'Gorbyology'

On this edition of Peter Lavelle's CrossTalk: As Gorbachev celebrates his 80th birthday, what does his name mean to the world today? How will history judge him? Why is he loved in the West and criticized in his native country? Is it too early to draw conclusions? And what makes him a peacemaker in the eyes of many nations? CrossTalking with Stephen Cohen, Geoffrey Hosking and Vlad Sobell.


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viernes, marzo 04, 2011

Mikhail Gorbachev: "I fought for USSR, but failed" [Interview]

The end of the Cold War, the reunification of Germany, liberalism and Perestroyka. The USSR's first and last president, Mikhail Gorbachev celebrates his 80th birthday today, and his legacy includes being hailed as the father of Russia's democracy. Mikhail Gorbachev was born in a small village in the south of the country, and became leader of the USSR in 1985. With his economic and political reforms, he paved the way for democracy in Russia. His best known reform is dubbed "Perestroyka", which aimed to revamp the country without destroying the basis of socialism. His initiatives also led to the abolishment of state censorship and the creation of free speech in the country. Gorbachev received the Nobel peace prize in 1990. A year later, however, he was removed from power in a coup which saw the collapse of the Soviet Union and Boris Yeltsin become president. But Mikhail Gorbachev still says his reforms were timely and necessary. "We realized from experience that it was ... more
 
 

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jueves, marzo 03, 2011

Gorbachev: "Putin Should Go"

Gorbachev Says Putin Should Go


Medvedev congratulating Gorbachev on his 80th birthday on Wednesday at the Gorki presidential residence.
Mikhail Klimentyev / RIA-Novosti / Reuters

Gorbachev Says Putin Should Go

Combined Reports
Former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, in comments published on his 80th birthday Wednesday, accused Russia's leaders of rolling back democracy and advised Vladimir Putin not to return to the presidency next year.
Combined Reports
Former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, in comments published on his 80th birthday Wednesday, accused Russia's leaders of rolling back democracy and advised Vladimir Putin not to return to the presidency next year.

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miércoles, marzo 02, 2011

Gorbachev celebrates 80th birthday


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Kremlin honours Gorbachev at 80

Kremlin honours Gorbachev at 80

Former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev is given Russia's highest award, the Order of St Andrew, to mark his 80th birthday.

But an FOM opinion poll released last week suggested that 52% believed he did Russia more harm than good, while just 11% took a positive view of his actions.
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martes, marzo 01, 2011

Gorbachev turns 80-Millions of People Are Alive Thanks To Him

BY CHARLES KENNY 


Mikhail Gorbachev turns 80 on March 2, and the collapse of the Soviet Union, over which he presided, celebrates its 20th anniversary this fall. In the intervening years, Gorbachev has put out an album, filmed pizza commercials, and founded a string of failed political parties. And with the benefit of two decades' worth of hindsight, the legacy of Gorbachev's accomplishment, however staggering, might seem a bit equivocal, too: rich, stable democracies in most of Eastern Europe, but also the increasingly czarist antics of Vladimir Putin and a miserable assortment of collapsing economies and vicious strongmen throughout the 'stans. And global tensions, from the Middle East to the Spratly Islands, have hardly gone away.

More
Millions of People Are Alive Thanks
To Mikhail Gorbachev

Iron Curtain Call - By Charles Kenny
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viernes, febrero 25, 2011

Gorbachov cumple 80 anos y Berlín le rinde homenaje

Mijail Gorbachov junto a Angela Merkel. | AP 
Rosalía Sánchez | Berlín

En Rusia se asocia la figura de Gorbachov con la campaña anti alcohol, con los estantes vacíos en los comercios y con el desplome de la URSS. En occidente, sin embargo, es considerado uno de los personajes históricos fundamentales del siglo XX y, concretamente en Berlín, es venerado como una especie de santo de la libertad.
Por eso su 80 cumpleaños, a punto de cumplirse, se celebra por todo lo alto y con la intención de rendir un último gran homenaje en vida a su papel en la caída del Muro de Berlín, que los alemanes no terminarán de agradecer nunca y que sirve de referente ideal en estos días en que otros sistemas totalitarios buscan cómo realizar una transición hacia la democracia desde dentro y en armonía.

Berlín homenajea a 'Gorbi'


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martes, diciembre 14, 2010

Gorbachov rechaza volver a la política en Rusia con un partido opositor

Gorbachov rechaza volver a la política en Rusia con un partido opositor - CNNMéxico.com
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miércoles, octubre 27, 2010

GORBACHOV: Fue Yeltsin quien destruyó la URSS, y debimos librarnos de él

GORBACHOV: Fue Yeltsin quien destruyó la URSS, y debimos librarnos de él

Realmente Gorbachov sigue sin entender lo que sucedio en la URSS o esta tratando de blanquear su rol en la historia? Perestroika y Glaznot, pero "...debimos librarnos de el...", resume las contradicciones de un pensamiento donde la renovacion seguia atascada en las bases stalinistas.

Desde el sitio de Ichikawa
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"Hablame"

"EN TIEMPOS DIFÍCILES" - Heberto Padilla

A aquel hombre le pidieron su tiempo

para que lo juntara al tiempo de la Historia.

Le pidieron las manos,

porque para una época difícil

nada hay mejor que un par de buenas manos.

Le pidieron los ojos

que alguna vez tuvieron lágrimas

para que contemplara el lado claro

(especialmente el lado claro de la vida)

porque para el horror basta un ojo de asombro.

Le pidieron sus labios

resecos y cuarteados para afirmar,

para erigir, con cada afirmación, un sueño

(el-alto-sueño);

le pidieron las piernas

duras y nudosas

(sus viejas piernas andariegas),

porque en tiempos difíciles

¿algo hay mejor que un par de piernas

para la construcción o la trinchera?

Le pidieron el bosque que lo nutrió de niño,

con su árbol obediente.

Le pidieron el pecho, el corazón, los hombros.

Le dijeron

que eso era estrictamente necesario.

Le explicaron después

que toda esta donación resultaria inútil.

sin entregar la lengua,

porque en tiempos difíciles

nada es tan útil para atajar el odio o la mentira.

Y finalmente le rogaron

que, por favor, echase a andar,

porque en tiempos difíciles

esta es, sin duda, la prueba decisiva.

Los Aldeanos: "El Socialismo en Tiempos del Colera: Toda Una Nación"

Etiquetas

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La columna de Cubanalisis

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]
¨Saturno jugando con sus hijos¨/ Pedro Pablo Oliva

Seguidores

Carta desde la carcel de Fidel Castro Ruz

“…después de todo, para mí la cárcel es un buen descanso, que sólo tiene de malo el que es obligatorio. Leo mucho y estudio mucho. Parece increíble, las horas pasan como si fuesen minutos y yo, que soy de temperamento intranquilo, me paso el día leyendo, apenas sin moverme para nada. La correspondencia llega normalmente…”

“…Como soy cocinero, de vez en cuando me entretengo preparando algún pisto. Hace poco me mandó mi hermana desde Oriente un pequeño jamón y preparé un bisté con jalea de guayaba. También preparo spaghettis de vez en cuando, de distintas formas, inventadas todas por mí; o bien tortilla de queso. ¡Ah! ¡Qué bien me quedan! por supuesto, que el repertorio no se queda ahí. Cuelo también café que me queda muy sabroso”.
“…En cuanto a fumar, en estos días pasados he estado rico: una caja de tabacos H. Upman del doctor Miró Cardona, dos cajas muy buenas de mi hermano Ramón….”.
“Me voy a cenar: spaghettis con calamares, bombones italianos de postre, café acabadito de colar y después un H. Upman #4. ¿No me envidias?”.
“…Me cuidan, me cuidan un poquito entre todos. No le hacen caso a uno, siempre estoy peleando para que no me manden nada. Cuando cojo el sol por la mañana en shorts y siento el aire de mar, me parece que estoy en una playa… ¡Me van a hacer creer que estoy de vacaciones! ¿Qué diría Carlos Marx de semejantes revolucionarios?”.
¨La patria es dicha de todos, y dolor de todos, y cielo para todos, y no feudo ni capellaní­a de nadie¨ - Marti

"No temas ni a la prision, ni a la pobreza, ni a la muerte. Teme al miedo"
-
Giacomo Leopardi

¨Por eso es muy importante, Vicky, hijo mío, que recuerdes siempre para qué sirve la cabeza: para atravesar paredes¨Halvar de Flake [El vikingo]

"Como no me he preocupado de nacer, no me preocupo de morir" - Lorca

"Al final, no os preguntarán qué habéis sabido, sino qué habéis hecho" - Jean de Gerson

"Si queremos que todo siga como está, es necesario que todo cambie" - Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa

"Todo hombre paga su grandeza con muchas pequeñeces, su victoria con muchas derrotas, su riqueza con múltiples quiebras" - Giovanni Papini


"Life is what happens while you are busy making other plans" - John Lennon

"Habla bajo, lleva siempre un gran palo y llegarás lejos" - Proverbio Africano

"No hay medicina para el miedo" - Proverbio escoces

"El supremo arte de la guerra es doblegar al enemigo sin luchar"
- Sun Tzu

"You do not really understand something unless you can explain it to your grandmother" - Albert Einstein

"It is inaccurate to say I hate everything. I am strongly in favor of common sense, common honesty, and common decency. This makes me forever ineligible for public office" - H. L. Menken

"I swore never to be silent whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation. We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented" - Elie Wiesel

"Stay hungry, stay foolish" -
Steve Jobs

"If you put the federal government in charge of the Sahara Desert , in five years ther'ed be a shortage of sand" - Milton Friedman

"The tragedy of modern man is not that he knows less and less about the meaning of his own life, but that it bothers him less and less" - Vaclav Havel

"No se puede controlar el resultado, pero si lo que uno haga para alcanzarlo" -
Vitor Belfort [MMA Fighter]

Liborio

Liborio
A la puerta de la gloria está San Pedro sentado y ve llegar a su lado a un hombre de cierta historia. No consigue hacer memoria y le pregunta con celo: ¿Quién eras allá en el suelo? Era Liborio mi nombre. Has sufrido mucho, hombre, entra, te has ganado el cielo.

Para Raul Castro

Cuba ocupa el penultimo lugar en el mundo en libertad economica solo superada por Corea del Norte.

Cuba ocupa el lugar 147 entre 153 paises evaluados en "Democracia, Mercado y Transparencia 2007"

Cuando vinieron

Cuando vinieron a buscar a los comunistas, Callé: yo no soy comunista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los sindicalistas, Callé: yo no soy sindicalista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los judíos, Callé: yo no soy judío. Cuando vinieron a buscar a los católicos, Callé: yo no soy “tan católico”.
Cuando vinieron a buscarme a mí, Callé: no había quien me escuchara.

Reverendo Martin Niemöller

Martha Colmenares

Martha Colmenares
Un sitio donde los hechos y sus huellas nos conmueven o cautivan

CUBA LLORA Y EL MUNDO Y NOSOTROS NO ESCUCHAMOS

Donde esta el Mundo, donde los Democratas, donde los Liberales? El pueblo de Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan los Green, los Socialdemocratas, los Ricos y los Pobres, los Con Voz y Sin Voz? Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan el Jet Set, los Reyes y Principes, Patricios y Plebeyos? Cuba desesperada clama por solidaridad.
Donde Bob Dylan, donde Martin Luther King, donde Hollywood y sus estrellas? Donde la Middle Class democrata y conservadora, o acaso tambien liberal a ratos? Y Gandhi? Y el Dios de Todos?
Donde los Santos y Virgenes; los Dioses de Cristianos, Protestantes, Musulmanes, Budistas, Testigos de Jehova y Adventistas del Septimo Dia. Donde estan Ochun y todas las deidades del Panteon Yoruba que no acuden a nuestro llanto? Donde Juan Pablo II que no exige mas que Cuba se abra al Mundo y que el Mundo se abra a Cuba?
Que hacen ahora mismo Alberto de Monaco y el Principe Felipe que no los escuchamos? Donde Madonna, donde Angelina Jolie y sus adoptados around de world; o nos hara falta un Brando erguido en un Oscar por Cuba? Donde Sean Penn?
Donde esta la Aristocracia Obrera y los Obreros menos Aristocraticos, donde los Working Class que no estan junto a un pueblo que lanquidece, sufre y llora por la ignominia?
Que hacen ahora mismo Zapatero y Rajoy que no los escuchamos, y Harper y Dion, e Hillary y Obama; donde McCain que no los escuchamos? Y los muertos? Y los que estan muriendo? Y los que van a morir? Y los que se lanzan desesperados al mar?
Donde estan el minero cantabrico o el pescador de percebes gijonese? Los Canarios donde estan? A los africanos no los oimos, y a los australianos con su acento de hombres duros tampoco. Y aquellos chinos milenarios de Canton que fundaron raices eternas en la Isla? Y que de la Queen Elizabeth y los Lords y Gentlemen? Que hace ahora mismo el combativo Principe Harry que no lo escuchamos?
Donde los Rockefellers? Donde los Duponts? Donde Kate Moss? Donde el Presidente de la ONU? Y Solana donde esta? Y los Generales y Doctores? Y los Lam y los Fabelo, y los Sivio y los Fito Paez?
Y que de Canseco y Miñoso? Y de los veteranos de Bahia de Cochinos y de los balseros y de los recien llegados? Y Carlos Otero y Susana Perez? Y el Bola, y Pancho Cespedes? Y YO y TU?
Y todos nosotros que estamos aqui y alla rumiando frustaciones y resquemores, envidias y sinsabores; autoelogios y nostalgias, en tanto Louis Michel comulga con Perez Roque mientras Biscet y una NACION lanquidecen?
Donde Maceo, donde Marti; donde aquel Villena con su carga para matar bribones?
Cuba llora y clama y el Mundo NO ESCUCHA!!!

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