Russia’s Putin and his wife say their marriage is over

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Alexei Nikolsky / AFP - Getty Images file

Russia's President Vladimir Putin and his wife Lyudmila attend a service at Blagoveshchensky Cathedral in Moscow on May 7, 2012.

By Albina Kovalyova, Producer, NBC News

Standing awkwardly side by side, Russian President Vladimir Putin and his wife Lyudmila Putina announced Thursday their decision to divorce on Russian television.
Putin confirmed the two no longer live together.
“This is the case,” he said. “All my activity is to do with publicity, absolute publicity, and some people like this, and others do not. But there are some people who are absolutely incompatible with this ... Lyudmila Alexandrovna has stood by this post for eight or nine years - so it's a mutual decision.”
Lyudmila confirmed Putin’s words, adding: “Our marriage is over due to the fact that we no longer see each other.”
She also said she did not enjoy publicity or flying on planes.
Their appearance was filmed by the state-controlled television Russia24 as the two prepared to attend the ballet Esmeralda at the Kremlin Palace in Moscow.

Putin's private life has been shrouded in mystery. He has rarely been seen together with Lyudmila in recent years, and rumors have circulated that the first lady had moved to the Elizarova monastery. In 2008, Russian media reported that Putin was set to marry the former Olympic gold medalist gymnast, Alina Kabaeva. The two have also been rumored to have a child together.

Although neither Putin nor Kabaeva have confirmed these rumors, they have been seen and photographed together at public events. Kabaeva retired from sports and became a member of the Public Chamber of Russia – which drafts laws for the Russian parliament.
Putin’s private life has long been a no-go area for journalists, and some critics have raised concerns about how a man with so much authority could be trusted, when so little was known about him. Putin and Lyudmila have two daughters together, but almost nothing is known about them. Maria was born in 1985 and Ekaterina Putina in 1986 and both have been rumored to be living abroad, although in 2011 some photos of them surfaced online.
Putin said both his daughters had been educated in Russia, where they continue to live.
Putin, now in his third term, won the presidential election last year, a move followed by large anti-government demonstrations. There has since been a clampdown on the Russian opposition and demonstration participants, with critics viewing his new term as a return to old authoritarian tactics.

Russia launches ’unprecedented’ crackdown, rights group warns

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A woman holds a leaflet, reading "For human rights" and featuring a picture of Russian protest leader Alexei Navalny, during an opposition rally in Moscow on April 17.

By Ian Johnston and Alastair Jamieson, NBC News

Vladimir Putin's Russia has launched an "unprecedented" crackdown on political activists and civil society groups, Human Rights Watch alleged in a report released Wednesday.

The New York-based group’s report described a "nationwide campaign" of harassment and intimidation by the former KGB officer's government.

It came on the day Putin critic Alexei Navalny urged a court to throw out what he said were trumped-up charges intended to silence him. It also comes weeks after the State Department cataloged a series of human concerns in Russia, including restrictions to harsh fines for unsanctioned political meetings, electoral fraud and the detention and trial of citizens without due process.

The HRW report, "Laws of Attrition: The Crackdown on Russia’s Civil Society after Putin’s Return to the Presidency," said:

• Putin’s government has sought to portray critics as "clandestine enemies" 
• a number of political activists have been jailed 
• and a series of restrictive laws, including one against treason that could criminalize international human rights campaigners and others that impose "draconian limits on association with foreigners," have been passed.

It also said that hundreds of organizations had been subjected to "intrusive" inspections about a raft of matters such as tax affairs, fire safety and air quality.

In one case, the report said a group was asked for chest X-rays of its staff to ensure they did not have tuberculosis. In another, officials demanded copies of speeches made at a group's meetings.

"Taken together, the laws and government actions described in this report violate Russia’s international legal obligations to protect freedom of association, expression, and assembly and threaten the viability of Russia’s vibrant civil society," the report said.

Nikolay Petrov, scholar-in-residence at the Carnegie Moscow Center think tank, echoed the HRW findings, saying the democratic climate in Russia has got “much worse” over the past year.

“At first, these new laws were portrayed as something that would only be used as a threat, not a tool that would actually be used,” he said. “Now we are seeing these laws used a lot to target [non-profit] organizations and protests.

“Huge numbers of law enforcement officers are now involved” in the clampdown against political opponents and rights groups, he added.

Sergei Chirikov / EPA file

Russian police officers make their way through a crowd to detain opposition activists in Moscow last month.

“It is important for all democracies to be aware of what is going on in Russia.”

The HRW report cited two cases as "further examples of Russia’s waning commitment to its international human rights obligations": The two-year prison sentences given to two members of feminist punk band Pussy Riot for a political stunt in a Moscow cathedral and the fate of Leonid Razvozzhaev, a political activist accused of organizing a riot who attempted to claim asylum in neighboring Ukraine.

Razvozzhaev went missing in Ukraine after stepping outside the office of a partner organization of the United Nation's High Commissioner for Refugees "to take a break during an asylum interview."

"Several days later he reappeared in custody in Russia. Razvozzhaev appears to have been forcibly disappeared and was forced to sign a confession under duress while in incommunicado detention. Razvozzhaev is in custody awaiting trial in Russia," the report said.

In response to the State Department comments earlier this month, Russia’s foreign ministry issued a statement accusing the United States of politicizing human rights issues, according to Reuters.

"Americans prefer not to recall their own record (of violations)," the statement said, adding that Washington has recently resorted to disproportionate use of force in Iraq and Afghanistan, causing civilian casualties, Reuters said.

On Wednesday, a court in the industrial city of Kirov adjourned to consider Navalny’s request to throw out charges that he stole $500,000 from a state-run timber firm, The Associated Press reported.

The most prominent opposition leader to be tried in post-Soviet Russia, Navalny has suggested Putin ordered the charges trial to stop his criticism of "swindlers and thieves" in government and sideline him as a potential presidential rival.

Reuters and The Associated Press contributed to this report.

La chica que besó a Putin

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Pues señor, érase una vez una adolescente que vivía en una ciudad de provincia del centro de Rusia. Supo de la existencia de una organización juvenil que le pareció “la más impresionante subcultura”. Se unió a ella y como era guapa e inteligente, pronto se convirtió en su cara más representativa y visible. Por su entrega y fidelidad, la recompensaron con un auto, un apartamento, una plaza en una de las universidades más prestigiosas y un programa de televisión. Pero la chica conoció a unas personas que pensaban de otra manera, y poco a poco se fue dando cuenta de que la organización de la que tan orgullosa se sentía tenía su lado oscuro. Finalmente, se salió y emprendió una vida independiente.

Contada así, en términos de cuento infantil, la historia de Masha Drokova no parece despertar demasiado interés. Pero lo tiene, y mucho, pues aparte de representar el caso individual de una joven rusa de nuestros días, aporta una imagen del clima político que vive su país, donde existe una lucha entre el despotismo y la democracia. Eso es lo que ha logrado captar la realizadora danesa Lise Birk Perderson en su documental Putin´s Kiss (Dinamarca, 2011, 85 minutos). El filme tuvo su estreno mundial en el Festival de Sundance del año pasado, donde recibió el premio a la mejor fotografía. Desde entonces, se ha proyectado en algunos países. En Estados Unidos, por ejemplo, se pudo ver en Nueva York a mediados de febrero.

Este trabajo estará dedicado a comentar el documental. Pero antes de pasar a hacerlo, me parece conveniente proporcionar algunos elementos informativos que, en buena medida, no se dan en el filme. A partir del 2000, Vasili Yakemenko (1971), un joven más o menos guapo que estudió economía, empezó a hacerse notorio al frente de Caminar Juntos, un grupo juvenil declaradamente partidario de Vladimir Putin. Entre otras actividades, fue notorio por sus ataques contra el escritor Vladimir Sorokin y la banda punk Leningrad. Caminar Juntos además tenía como patrocinadores a dos compañías con vínculos con el Kremlim y Ayuntamiento de Moscú. En los medios de prensa, adquirió el sobrenombre de Putinjugend, en alusión a las Hitlerjugend o Juventudes Hitlerianas.

En el año 2004, Caminar Juntos se vio envuelta en un escándalo, cuando varios de sus miembros estuvieron involucrados en la distribución ilegal de películas pornográficas. A eso se sumaron las disputas financieras de las secciones de Moscú y San Petersburgo. Esa crisis llevó a Yakemenko a crear otra organización, a la que dio el nombre de Nashi (Nuestros). Eso data del año 2005, y ocurrió en un momento muy oportuno para el gobierno de Putin. Tan oportuno, que dista mucho de ser casual.

Entonces, en el Kremlim había un verdadero ataque de nervios a causa de los incidentes ocurridos en algunos de los antiguos países socialistas. Concretamente, se trataba de Serbia (2000), Georgia (2003-2004) y, sobre todo, Ucrania (2004). En este último, había tenido lugar la llamada Revolución Naranja. Durante quince días, medio millón de personas se lanzaron a las calles para protestar por unas elecciones que consideraban fraudulentas. Las manifestaciones populares lograron revertir el resultado de los comicios, ganados por Víctor Yanukovich, el candidato favorito de Putin. Tras una nueva votación, salió encumbrado el opositor Víctor Yuschenko.

Nashi fue creada desde arriba para cumplir una misión específica. Al iniciar el último año de su segundo mandato, Putin encargó al controversial Yakemenko la tarea de formar una organización para comprometer a los jóvenes en actividades de apoyo al gobierno. Nashi, que se define como democrática y antifascista, tiene una agenda que incluye entre sus tareas el trabajo voluntario en orfanatos, ayudar a restaurar iglesias y monumentos en memoria de la Guerra Patria, programas educacionales, campamentos de verano. Sus miembros piensan que Rusia debe ser líder del mundo en el siglo XXI, y para lograrlo es necesario apoyar al gobierno. Quienes no apoyan a este y además lo critican, son etiquetados como enemigos de Rusia.

Esta última labor pasó a ser la prioridad número 1. Putin concibió Nashi como un medio para evitar un movimiento popular como el de Ucrania. Tenía temor de que, siguiendo ese ejemplo, la juventud rusa tomara las calles. En 1905, el zar Nicolás II ordenó que sus tropas dispararan contra unos ochocientos trabajadores, que se congregaron frente al Palacio de Invierno para exigir mejores condiciones de trabajo. El ataque escandalizó a los círculos que rodeaban al zar y este se vio obligado a aceptar las reformas reclamadas por los manifestantes. Los primeros ministros y secretarios generales soviéticos después de 1917, sacaron una enseñanza de aquel hecho: la mejor manera de responder a las manifestaciones populares es evitar a toda costa que tengan lugar.

Luchar contra cualquier forma de oposición

Vladimir Putin, quien llegó al poder después de las masivas protestas ocurridas durante la etapa de la perestroika, adoptó un enfoque similar al cortar las manifestaciones de raíz, aunque la mayoría de las veces trató de evitar la violencia. Durante las elecciones de 2008, a los miembros de Nashi se les asignó la tarea de ocupar las plazas de las grandes ciudades como Moscú y San Petersburgo. Lo hicieron durante todo el día, y con eso impidieron que otros ocuparan ese espacio público para expresar cualquier protesta u oposición. La organización garantizó así que Dimitri Medvedev tuviera una transición tranquila y sin problemas.

Una vez que la “tandemocracia” Putin-Medvedev se estableció en el gobierno, Nashi pasó a encargarse de mantener su relevancia en el panorama de la Rusia postelectoral. Conviene anotar que la relación que sus miembros mantienen con Putin es literalmente la de una religión. Para ellos el mandatario es un dios. Un buen ejemplo es algo que sobre él expresa Masha Drokova en el documental. En su opinión, Putin es de esa clase de hombre que ella escogería como compañero para toda la vida. ¿Las razones? Es carismático, inteligente y, lo más importante, responsable. Va más allá en sus elogios, y declara que Putin “fue enviado a Rusia por Dios”.

Las líneas directrices por las cuales se rige Nashi tienen una gran influencia de los trabajos de Vladislav Surkov (1964), el ideólogo del Kremlim y arquitecto del actual sistema político. En mayo de 2012 fue nombrado viceprimer ministro de la Federación Rusa por un decreto presidencial. Es defensor de la “democracia soberana”, que refuta la idea de que solo puede haber un tipo de democracia. Surkov sostiene que, por el contrario, cada país debe tener la libertad de desarrollar su propia forma. Quienes echen una ojeada a la página web de Nashi, comprobarán que la única fuente que se cita son los textos de Surkov. Aunque rechaza la política de Occidente, le gusta el estilo de vida occidental. La edición rusa de la revista masculina GQ señala que le gustan los trajes a la medida del famoso diseñador italiano Ermenegildo Zegna. Asimismo en su tiempo libre Surkov compone canciones para el grupo de música Agata Kristi.

Oficialmente, el objetivo de Nashi es apoyar el gobierno, creando una futura elite entre los jóvenes más brillantes y leales. Sin embargo, en la práctica su trabajo se centra más en la lucha contra cualquier forma de oposición a Putin. Nashi proclama ser una organización democrática y antifascista, pero sus acciones demuestran algo bien distinto. Si bien es cierto que por un lado denuncian a las tiendas que venden productos caducados y alcohol a los menores (de ello se ven imágenes en el documental), por otro sus miembros tienen ideas conservadoras respecto a cuestiones como el aborto y el uso del condón. Además promueven la hostilidad hacia Europa y Estados Unidos. “Hoy Estados unidos por un lado y el terrorismo internacional por “ se empeñan en controlar Eurasia y el mundo entero”, dice el manifiesto de Nashi. Y agrega: “Su mirada está puesta directamente en Rusia. La tarea de nuestra generación es defender la soberanía de nuestro país, al igual que nuestros abuelos hicieron hace sesenta años”.

La organización además permite e incluso promueve la violencia para intimidar y socavar a los opositores al gobierno. Sus tácticas van desde los desfiles con grandes pancartas en las que aparecen fotos de los “enemigos de Rusia”, hasta defecar encima de sus autores y golpearlos salvajemente. Resulta muy significativo que en una entrevista que le hizo hace varios años Oleg Kashin, hoy uno de los enemigos jurados de Nashi, Yakemenko no tuvo reparo alguno en reconocer que al crear el perfil de la organización tomó algunas de las mejores cualidades de las Hitlerjugend, los Guardias Rojos de la Revolución Cultural China y el Komsomol de la extinta Unión Soviética (los colores y símbolos de Nashi son similares a los de esta última organización).

La asimilación que se ha hecho de esos modelos se pone de manifiesto en algunas de las acciones más notorias de Nashi. En 2006, desarrolló una campaña contra Anthony Brenton, el embajador inglés. Las protestas se fundamentaron en que este había asistido a una conferencia organizada por la coalición opositora La Otra Rusia. Nashi exigía a Brenton que se disculpase por haber apoyado a los que ellos consideran es un grupo de extremistas. La campaña estuvo marcada por concentraciones frente a la residencia oficial del diplomático, así como por interrupciones en los actos públicos en los que estaba previsto que él hablara.

Asimismo en mayo y abril de 2007, Nashi organizó protestas diarias ante la embajada de Estonia en Moscú, con la consiguiente obstrucción del tráfico. El motivo fue el traslado a otro sitio de la estatua al soldado del Ejército Rojo que se hallaba en el centro de Tallin. De acuerdo a la página web de Nashi, eso constituye una evidencia del establecimiento de un régimen fascista en ese país báltico. Las demostraciones estuvieron acompañadas del apedreamiento de la embajada, destrucción de banderas de Estonia y hostigamiento a los diplomáticos. Y aunque no hay pruebas que apunten a Nashi como responsable, por ese mismo tiempo se produjo un sostenido y bien planeado ciberataque a sitios oficiales de Estonia.

Otro incidente fue el acaecido en 2006 con Oleg A. Chirkunov, gobernador de la región de Perm designado por Putin. Permitió a un miembro de un partido de la oposición asistir a una conferencia de la juventud. Eso provocó la ira de los miembros de Nashi, que organizaron piquetes de protesta frente a su oficina, pese a las bajas temperaturas. Sus demandas eran que Chirkunov se disculpara por el error cometido. Por supuesto, este se vio forzado a hacerlo.

La oportunidad de convertirse en alguien importante

Paso ahora a ocuparme de Putin´s Kiss. Las primeras imágenes muestran a los miembros de Nashi cuando participan en un campamento de verano. Los jóvenes se muestran alegres y sonrientes, tras escuchar a Yakemenko expresar que después de los ocho días que durará el “vigoroso programa educativo”, saldrán convertidos en personas diferentes. De ahí, el filme pasa a unas imágenes de mala calidad en las que se ve a dos hombres golpear con unas barras a un tercero cuando iba a entrar en su edificio. Más adelante, nos enteraremos de que se trata del ataque que sufrió el 5 de noviembre de 2010 el periodista del diario Kommersant Oleg Kashin, y que lo dejó en estado crítico. El montaje que se hace en el filme es intencionado e ilustra las dos caras de Nashi, la amable y la siniestra.

Aparece luego Masha Drokova, a quien después vemos con sus padres y abuelos, cuando fue a visitarlos. Nacida en 1989 en Tambov, una ciudad de la zona central de Rusia, a los quince años se unió a Nashi y a partir de ese momento su vida cambió radicalmente. Como a muchos jóvenes ambiciosos, la organización le dio la oportunidad de “convertirse en alguien importante”. Eso ayuda a comprender por qué Nashi es tan popular, sobre todo entre la juventud de las provincias. Para ellos, es la vía más idónea de poder tener potencialmente una carrera en el futuro. Constituye una oportunidad que ganan a cambio de lealtad a Nashi, o lo que es lo mismo, al partido de Putin.

Masha demostró lealtad y dedicación, y pronto ascendió a lo más alto de Nashi. Fue premiada con un auto, un apartamento y una plaza en una de las universidades más prestigiosas. Eso le proporcionó unas condiciones de vida con las cuales muchos jóvenes de Rusia no pueden ni soñar. Además de convertirse en una conocida bloguera, pasó a ser la anfitriona de un programa de televisión. Devino la portavoz de Nashi, lo cual se comprende a través del documental. Para Nashi era el ejemplo vivo de la imagen que quería presentar: una chica provinciana que fue “elevada” por el movimiento juvenil para alcanzar grandes cosas. En Rusia se le conoció además porque produjo una pequeña conmoción cuando espontáneamente le estampó un beso en la mejilla al presidente ruso, cuando este le entregaba una medalla. A partir de entonces, pasó a ser “la chica que besó a Putin”.

Hay una escena de un programa de televisión en el cual Masha participa, que ilustra la manera en que se forma a los jóvenes en Nashi. Interrogada tras abogar por la quema de los libros de Eduard Limonov, no puede defenderse cuando es emplazada por los otros invitados, por sostener una idea tan reaccionaria y peligrosa. Como se ve a lo largo del filme, los miembros de Nashi no están preparados para dialogar y debatir sus convicciones y principios. Su táctica se reduce a insultar con la retórica más incendiaria y a satanizar a los adversarios políticos de Putin. Así, Limonov es gay, Boris Nemtsov es un traidor, Garry Kasparov tiene doble nacionalidad. A propósito de este último, en el documental se aprecia cómo una conferencia de prensa suya es interrumpida por unos jóvenes que hacen volar unos helicópteros de juguete con forma de dildo.

El encuentro y, posteriormente, la amistad que establece Masha con varios periodistas, algunos de ellos críticos del gobierno, hizo que la joven empezara a cambiar. Esas relaciones no fueron bien vistas por la dirigencia de Nashi. Le advirtieron que no debía mezclarse con esa gente; que no podía creer en Putin por el día y por la noche ser amiga de quienes lo critican. Eso la sumió en un conflicto interno y en un dilema moral: ¿le brindaba Nashi suficiente libertad para tener opiniones propias, o la forzaba a someterse por completo a la voluntad de la organización?

Ocurrió entonces un incidente que la obligó a tomar partido. Su amigo Oleg Kashin fue brutalmente golpeado a la entrada de su edificio. Como consecuencia de aquel ataque, le tuvieron que amputar varios dedos. Tenía fracturas en las dos mandíbulas. Recibió severos golpes en la cabeza, y ahora lleva una placa de titanio. Asimismo perdió algunos dientes y hasta hoy el ojo derecho le lagrimea. Dimitri Medvedev comentó en la televisión que en el país existen fuerzas que consideran que, con tales métodos es posible poner una mordaza a quien sea, a un periodista o a un político. Y aunque prometió que los atacantes serían llevados ante la justicia, hasta la fecha no hay ni un solo detenido. Kashin no alberga la menor duda de que fue un acto planeado por Nashi.

Un producto de ingeniería política

Durante el tiempo en que Kashin estuvo en el hospital, periodistas y blogueros realizaron demostraciones silenciosas para reclamar que las autoridades encontraran a los responsables. El tercer día, Masha se presentó y durante algunas horas sostuvo uno de los carteles. Como reconoce Kashin, hacer eso fue un acto de valentía moral. Mucho más lo fue su decisión posterior de abandonar Nashi. En el filme, Masha trasluce cierta melancolía al comentar su desencanto de la organización que la convirtió en su estrella ascendente. Después de su salida, se ha abstenido de participar en la política, aunque conserva su admiración por Putin. Sigue viviendo en Moscú, y de acuerdo a su cuenta en Twitter trabaja como relaciones públicas de una firma de alta tecnología.

Vasili Yakemenko dejó de estar al frente de Nashi. A partir del año 2008, pasó a dirigir el recién creado Comité Estatal para la Juventud. No obstante, sigue considerando la organización como su pequeña brigada. En Putin´s Kiss aparece sonriente, atento a todos los detalles y dando instrucciones, durante la marcha por el Día de la Unidad Nacional. Es indudable que siente mucha satisfacción cuando ve desfilar a aquellos miles de jóvenes traídos en autobuses del interior del país (les dan 500 rublos o bien comida gratis en McDonalds). Portan carteles con las fotos de quienes para ellos son “la vergüenza de la nación”. Entre ellos figura la octogenaria Liudmila Alexeeva, historiadora, disidente y activista por los derechos humanos. Mientras desfilan, se escuchan por los altavoces consignas: “¡No seas un Judas como el líder opositor Nemtsov! ¡Recuerda que vives en Rusia! ¡Este es el mejor país, y gilipollas como ese no se toleran aquí!”. Una vez que llegan al final, los jóvenes arrojan al suelo, con visible encono, las pancartas. Algunos incluso las patean.

Dado que Putin es ahora presidente por otros seis años y que ha prometido presentarse de nuevo a los comicios de 2018, todo augura que Nashi tiene asegurado un largo y brillante porvenir. Sin embargo, la organización que se encarga de hacerle los trabajos sucios al Kremlim no se ha librado de escándalos. No hace mucho, la sección rusa de Anonymous sacó a la luz el pago de 600 mil rublos hecho por los dirigentes de Nashi a blogueros y periodistas. El propósito era que escribiesen artículos para favorecer la imagen de Putin y desacreditar a sus oponentes en las pasadas elecciones. Antes de eso, en 2010 se produjo el embarazoso caso del calendario erótico editado para el cumpleaños del mandatario. En el mismo aparecían, jóvenes estudiantes de periodismo de la Universidad Estatal de Moscú aparecen fotografiadas en provocativas poses. Las imágenes iban acompañadas de frases de doble sentido como “¿Qué tal una tercera vez?”. Según los organizadores, la idea era demostrar que las chicas inteligentes también pueden ser hermosas. La universidad se desmarcó y calificó la iniciativa de inapropiada.

De todos modos, resulta muy poco probable que algo pueda afectar seriamente a Nashi, un producto de ingeniería política que tan eficazmente ha servido al gobierno. De hecho, el año pasado Yakemenko confirmó que la organización había recibido 12 millones de rublos de los fondos estatales. Como muchos han señalado, Nashi constituye la línea de ataque de la política institucional del Kremlim. En la Rusia de hoy, es un elemento clave para que Putin pueda consolidar su particular versión de la democracia. Una “democracia soberana” en la que a los opositores les puede suceder cualquier cosa, desde ser golpeados salvajemente, como Mijáil Béketov (el ataque lo dejó inválido y prácticamente privado del habla), hasta ir a la cárcel, como Mijaíl Jodorkovski, o ser asesinados, como Anna Politovskaia.

Topless protesters give Russia’s Putin an eyeful in Germany

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Meet Neo-Soviet NYU, Princeton Professor Steven Cohen

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Not surprising: following the passage of the Magnitsky Act — which penalizes Russians who were involved with the brutal torture and murder of a human rights attorney — supporters of Vladimir Putin’s KGB dictatorship criticized Americans for supporting American values in Russia.

But would you be surprised to learn that one of those minions is not just an American citizen, but a professor emeritus at New York University and Princeton?

Professor Steven F. Cohen — husband of Katrina vanden Heuvel, publisher of ultra-liberal The Nation – has been speaking up for the interests of Putin and Russia’s KGB. Writing at The Nation itself, he called the Magnitsky Act a “sanctimonious blacklist without due process” supported by a “feckless foreign policy elite”. (Do note: the Act was adopted by both houses of Congress in landslide votes with virtually no opposition.) Cohen claimed that Russia is far more democratic that the U.S. because “the Russian media were filled with heated controversy over the adoption ban,” while there was no such controversy over Magnitsky. (Putin’s response to the Act was to ban American adoptions of Russian children.) Cohen called American journalists “cheerleaders for a new cold war.”

This is not new behavior for him — Cohen has been bashing the U.S. media for reporting on Putin’s neo-Soviet crackdown for years now.

Politics truly makes odd bedfellows: Cohen and his wife’s publication are aligned with the likes of Ron Paul and Pat Buchanan on this issue — two of Putin’s strongest supporters in the U.S. But Cohen’s take was truly neo-Soviet: he trashed the Clinton administration for giving birth to the new cold war, and he stated that Obama has “surrounded himself with Russia advisers, including Hillary Clinton, wedded to the twenty-year-long approach” that calls for cold war.

Cohen then directly wrote for the Kremlin itself, on its Voice of Russia website where he maintains a blog and is also routinely the subject of the Kremlin’s “journalism.” Any American parent thinking of sending their children to Princeton or NYU ought to find this worrisome: NYU itself got into the act, publishing his article on its website.

Following the Soviet and Nazi models, the falsehoods in Cohen’s analysis are difficult to document simply because there are so many, and his delivery is so propagandistic and shameless. Cohen does not give one example — not one — of Russian mainstream media (all national TV stations and all major circulation newspapers are Kremlin-controlled) challenging the Kremlin’s adoption ban, as he claims they did. Of course, none of them actually did challenge Putin’s decision to bar American parents from adopting in Russia, and polls show that the Russian people overwhelmingly supported that move.

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Que que le dijo Putin al rusito?

como es habitual los medios 'americanos' siempre andan despistados. que que le dijo putin al rusito???; lo mismo que le han dicho a cientos de millones de personas incluyendo a los herederos chavistas ayer en la'bana: "si no te portas como yo espero de ti, no vas a tener oportunidad de arrepentirte".

Depardieu el "ruso"

cuando le metan un microfono en el trasero mantecoso saldra corriendo para punto uno.

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elpais/

El presidente de Rusia, Vladímir Putin, ha concedido la ciudadanía rusa al actor Gérard Depardieu, quien había expresado su deseo de renunciar al pasaporte francés por la decisión del Gobierno galo de aumentar al 75% los impuestos sobre la renta de los más ricos. Según informa hoy el Kremlin, Putin firmó el decreto de concesión del pasaporte ruso a Depardieu, nacido en Francia en 1948 y que ha dado vida a personajes como Obelix, Cyrano de Bergerac o Martin Guerre, en virtud del artículo 89 de la Constitución rusa.

Putin ya había garantizado en diciembre pasado la expedición de un pasaporte ruso al artista francés si este decidía definitivamente renunciar a su ciudadanía original, aunque destacó que "él (Depardieu) se considera francés". "Él se considera europeo y ciudadano del mundo. Pero quiere mucho a su país, su cultura y la vive. Estoy seguro de que ahora no está atravesando un buen momento, pero esto acabará", apuntó. Putin subrayó que los artistas son personas con "un espíritu especial" y que "es fácil herir sus sentimientos". "Estoy convencido de que los máximos dirigentes (de Francia) no querían herir a Depardieu, pero como cualquier funcionario de alto o medio rango siempre defendemos nuestra política y las decisiones tomadas", dijo.

El Kremlin se había tomado en un principio a broma las afirmaciones de Depardieu quien, según el diario Le Monde, dijo que el presidente ruso le había enviado un pasaporte. El actor, de 64 años, anunció hace unas semanas el traslado de su residencia fiscal a la localidad belga de Néchin, a apenas un kilómetro de la frontera francesa. Su decisión fue tachada de "lamentable" por el primer ministro francés, Jean-Marc Ayrault, lo que indignó a Depardieu, quien reaccionó anunciando su voluntad de renunciar la nacionalidad francesa.

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Obama Seizing Control of the US Military – Potential Cataclysm Ahead

TrevorLoudon

Barack Obama has worked with pro-Moscow Marxists including Frank Marshall Davis and Alice Palmer, and pro-Cuban radicals like Bill Ayers and Bernardine Dohrn, his entire life.

Their number one priority has always been the destruction of the US military, the only significant block remaining, to global revolution.

Now that the Davis/Palmer/Ayers/Dohrn protege has the reins of power, President Obama is working hard to destroy US military superiority, consciously or unconsciously, to the advantage of the Russia/China/Cuba/North Korea/Iranian/Islamic alliance.

From William Bigelow at Breitbart.com:

In an attempt to seize total control over national security and bypass congress, a frightening new step by the Obama Administration is coming into play. As noted in Friday’s Wall Street Journal in an op-ed by John Bolton and John Woo, a State Department advisory group that is run by former Secretary of Defense William Perry is advising that the U.S. and Russia both reduce nuclear weapons without a treaty, as a treaty would require ratification by Congress. This would allow Obama and his executive branch to unilaterally cut our nuclear weaponry and ignore the treaty clause of the Constitution.
As Bolton and Woo point out, the US has a greater global responsibility than Russia; Iran and North Korea, neither of which is far from Russian interests, can only be countered by U.S. military strength. In addition, they note that Russia is not a trustworthy partner in weapons reduction; it has violated many arms-control agreements, such as the 1991 Presidential Nuclear Initiatives.
Some of the inherent problems in the seizure by this executive branch of decision-making power is Barack Obama’s desire to deeply cut our nuclear forces. A joint decision with Russia would place long-term limits on our cache of arms, thus placing constraints on us catching up if Russia decides to go ahead and build and the blurring of the lines deliberately drawn by the Constitution’s Framers separating the executive and legislative branches power.
Obama has made no secret of his desire to dismantle our nuclear capacity; the New Start Treaty he championed in 2011 forced the U.S. to observe a ceiling of 700 strategic delivery vehicles and 1,550 strategic warheads, and this past March he stated his desire to cut our arsenal further:
“ … a step we have never taken before – reducing not only our strategic nuclear warheads but also tactical weapons and warheads in reserve.”
It is naïve to assume that Obama is simply blind to the results of his actions and trusts the world around him to act with generosity. There has been too much evidence of Russia’s support of Iran’s nuclear weapons program, and Russia has cunningly avoided supporting sanctions on North Korea for its rocket launches; in December, Georgy Toloraya, Director of Korean Research at the Institute of Economics, simply said:
“In Russia we believe that resolutions must be observed and UN decisions must be implemented. We think that North Korea has the right for space explorations but only after all the issues linked with the UN sanctions banning rocket launches with the use of ballistic technologies are settled. It is necessary to divide two aspects – we support the discussion of the rocket launch issue by the UN Security Council but we don’t think that this must automatically mean tougher sanctions against Pyongyang.”
Obama knows all this. His step-by-step evisceration of the United States is not confined to its economic system but its national defense as well.

I go a little further. I say that Obama is happy to wreck the US economy, because this will enable him to completely destroy US military defensive capability. This is the REAL agenda of the left. The people Obama has worked with his entire life.

Four more years of Obama may well bring America to the point of no return.

If Obama is allowed to realize the Davis/Palmer/Ayers/Dohrn vision of a militarily impotent America, Americans will be faced with two very harsh choices.

Lay down your arms and give up your sovereignty to a United Nations world superstate.

Or face the combined military might of Russia, China, Iran, North Korea, Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, possibly Pakistan, Indonesia and Brazil, and several other countries… with hardly a friend in the world to come to your aid.

This won’t be a one or two front conflict. This will be a multi-polar, all out attack on the US homeland.

Americans need to wake up. And fast.

Putin to OK Adoption Cold War on US

uk.news.yahoo.com

Russian President Putin says he will sign a bill that bars Americans from adopting Russian children, despite criticism from US State Department officials, who say it would prevent unwanted kids from growing up in loving families.

Keep reading on Fox news >>

Putin reshuffles top military brass after chief's ouster

President Vladimir Putin on Friday reshuffled the nation's top military brass following the defense minister's ouster, and instructed the new top military officer to be friendlier to Russia's defense industries. 

Putin's advice to Col. Gen. Valery Gerasimov, appointed chief of the armed forces' General Staff, appeared to shed more light on the reasons for the ouster of Russia's powerful Defense Minister Anatoly Serdyukov earlier this week.

While Putin linked the ouster to a probe into the alleged military corruption, most experts believe that Serdyukov was sacked because of an intensifying behind-the-scenes battle for the distribution of 20 trillion rubles ($635 billion) that the Kremlin plans to spend on buying new weapons through 2020.

Serdyukov demanded higher quality and cheaper prices from the military industry, often refusing to sign new contracts for months. He criticized arms makers for continuing to produce Soviet-era designs instead of developing new weapons, angering industry leaders with strong Kremlin connections.

Under Serdyukov, the military purchased amphibious assault vessels from France, bought Israeli drones, Italian armored vehicles and other foreign weapons.

"We have had a problem with the Defense Ministry changing its demands to the industries," Putin said on Friday. "Of course, we must seek cutting-edge items, but we need a certain stability too. I strongly hope that you will be able to develop a stable and good partnership with our leading defense plants."

More on NBC news >>

Moscow Expects President Obama to be “More Flexible” on Missile Defense Shield

It’s payoff time for Russia.

From The Washington Post:
Russia expects Barack Obama to show more flexibility in a dispute over U.S. missile defense plans in Europe following his re-election as president, a top official said Thursday…

In March, Obama, unaware that he was speaking on an open microphone, told Dmitry Medvedev, then Russia’s president, that he would have more flexibility on the issue after the November election.
Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin appeared to be trying to remind Obama of his promise when he said Thursday that Moscow hopes that the U.S. president will listen to Russia’s concerns about the U.S.-led NATO missile defense for Europe.
“We hope that President Obama after his re-election will be more flexible on the issue of taking into the account the opinions of Russia and others regarding a future configuration of NATO’s missile defense,” Rogozin told an international conference in Moscow.
Russia has urged the U.S. to provide guarantees that any future shield is not aimed against it and threatened to target elements of the U.S. shield with missiles itself if no agreement is reached.
U.S. promises to inform Moscow about details of the shield aren’t enough, Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov said Thursday, adding that Moscow will continue pushing for firm guarantees from Washington…
The Kremlin greeted Obama’s re-election enthusiastically… Putin wrote Obama a telegram expressing hope that the two countries’ relations would improve further and inviting Obama to visit Russia next year.
Referring to comments that Republican challenger Mitt Romney had made during the campaign, Medvedev said he was “happy that the man who considers Russia (its) No. 1 geopolitical foe won’t be the president of this very large and important country.”
Former Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov said he hoped that being on a second term will allow Obama to focus more on relations with Russia than Romney would have with his first term.

Four more years of Obama “flexibility” and defense cuts, will leave the US military in ruins and unable to defend US allies, or even the US homeland, from Russia, China, Iran and their allies.

At that point US sovereignty, and even physical survival, will be in serious question.

Is that the plan?

Russia marks Vladimir Putin's 60th birthday

Photo: REUTERS

Telegraph

Supporters of Vladimir Putin planted his portrait on a mountain peak on Sunday as Russia marked his 60th birthday with adulation worthy of the Soviet era, but some mocking protesters portrayed him as a pensioner fit for retirement.

The ruling party's loyal Young Guard movement was to unfurl a banner on a bridge in southern Russia which they say symbolises Putin's role in uniting the Asian and European parts of a giant country that stretches over nine time zones.

Its website published a video portraying Mr Putin as the ultimate ladies' man, waited on by a gaggle of adoring, long-legged women. Other events around the country played on the tough-guy image that has been core to Mr Putin's political appeal.

Anti-Putin activists say the president won a third Kremlin term by rigging March presidential elections and ridiculed the birthday festivities as a personality cult.

They ditched plans for a major march through Moscow but were to stage a smaller scale "Let's send Grandpa into retirement" action near Red Square, protesters asked to bring gifts suitable for a pensioner such as reading glasses or a pipe.

The authorities appeared to be seeking to play down the event. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said the president would spend the day relaxing with close family and no special celebrations were planned.

Rusia-Cuba: Pragmatismo

viejo y mentiroso es una combinacion fatal. raul, cuando cojones tu estudiaste en la universidad de la habana.

ALEJANDRO ARMENGOL: Moscú en La Habana y guerras imaginarias

"La Rusia de Putin sirve también como una especie de espejo mágico para avizorar el destino inmediato de Cuba. Cierto, no es más que uno de los posibles destinos, pero también hay que reconocer que se encuentra entre los más probables.

Read more here: http://www.elnuevoherald.com/2012/07/02/1240795/alejandro-armengol-moscu-en-la.html#storylink=cpy

En lugar de la temida vía china –mencionada en Miami como una maldición del Celeste Imperio– una Rusia, experta en el vicio al alcance de la mano, puede estar a la vuelta de la esquina. No es Pekín sino Moscú en La Habana".

Continuar leyendo   Aqui >>

6,000 former KGB officers were holding positions in Russia’s central and regional governments

Indeed, as of June 2003, some 6,000 former KGB officers were holding positions in Russia’s central and regional governments. Among them:

Vladimir Putin, elected president of Russia; Vladimir Osipov, head of the Presidential Personnel Directorate; Sergey Ivanov, defense minister; Igor Sergeyevich Ivanov, minister of foreign affairs; Viktor Ivanov and Igor Sechin, deputy directors in the Presidential Administration; Vyacheslav Soltaganov, deputy secretary of the Security Council; Viktor Vasilyevich Cherkesov, chairman of the State Committee on Drug Trafficking; Vyacheslav Trubinkov, deputy foreign minister; Vladimir Kozlov, deputy media minister; Gennady Moshkov, first deputy transport minister; Nikolay Negodov, deputy transport minister; Vladimir Strzhalkovsky, deputy minister for economic development; Vladimir Makarov, Leonid Lobzenko and Igor Mezhakov, deputy chairmen of the State Customs Committee; Sergey Verevkin-Rokhalsky and Anatoly Sedov, deputy taxes and duties ministers; Anatoly Tsybulevsky and Vladimir Lazovsky, deputy directors of the of the Federal Tax Police Service; Alexander Grigoriev, general director of the Russian Agency for State Reserves; Alexander Spiridonov, deputy chairman of Russia’s Financial Monitoring Committee; Vladimir Kulakov, Voronezh governor; Viktor Maslov, Smolensk governor.

Can you imagine a democratic Germany run by Gestapo officers?

Lt. Gen. Ion Mihai Pacepa - WorldNetDaily

Obama - Putin at the G20: The Joke

Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

’Russia will be free’: Thousands march against Putin in Moscow

 

Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

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’Putinization’ spreading in Europe, US group warns

By F. Brinley Bruton, msnbc.com

LONDON -- The leaders of Hungary and Ukraine are following in the footsteps of Russian President Vladimir Putin and imperiling the young democracies, U.S.-based non-governmental organization Freedom House said in a report on Wednesday.

"Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban and Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, under the pretext of so-called reforms, have been systematically breaking down critical checks and balances," Freedom House's president David Kramer said in a statement.

"They appear to be pursuing the 'Putinization' of their countries, which is ironic, given that in Russia itself Putinism has been largely discredited over the past year, as ordinary Russians increasingly seek guarantees of government accountability and transparency," he added. 

A wave of demonstrations have swept through Russia in recent months, with citizens protesting corruption and the Putin government's growing power.

On Wednesday, Russian lawmakers voted through a controversial bill that dramatically increases fines for those accused of participating in banned public protests. The bill was proposed in response to big public rallies against Putin's second term as president.

Hungary president quits in plagiarism scandal

The autocratic tendencies seen in the post-communist democracies pointed out in the Nations in Transit 2012 report risk taking root elsewhere among the European Union's newest members and aspiring members, Freedom House warned. Five other EU members in the region -- Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Romania, and Slovakia -- also have seen a decline in democratic practices and traditions over the past five years, according to Freedom House.

Alexey Nikolsky /Ria Novosti /Pr / EPA

Russian President Vladimir Putin (R) talks to Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych (L) during their bilateral talks in Moscow, Russia, on May 15.

Hungary's anti-democratic lurch, made worse by the economic downturn, was deemed the worst in the region by Freedom House. 

The report cited a swift dismantling of democratic checks in Hungary, made easier by a weak opposition and the ruling supermajority in parliament. 

Huge rally in Prague against austerity measures, alleged corruption

"Hungary’s precipitous descent is the most glaring example among the newer European Union members," the report added. "Its deterioration over the past five years has affected institutions that form the bedrock of democratically accountable systems, including independent courts and media.  More >>

Putin's Evolving Strategy in Europe

Stratfor

By George Friedman

This week, Vladimir Putin was sworn in for a third term as Russian president. Putin's return to the presidency was not unexpected; he was never really unseated as Russia's leader, even during Dmitri Medvedev's presidency. But it comes as an anti-incumbent trend is developing in Europe, most recently demonstrated when socialist challenger Francois Hollande defeated Nicolas Sarkozy in France's presidential elections this week. In response to these changes, Putin will have to adjust Russia's approach in Europe.

Putin's Plans for Russia and Beyond

Russia has been on the path to resurgence since Putin won the presidency in 1999. He inherited a broken, weak and chaotic Russia. As Stratfor has noted over the years, Putin did not seek to re-create the Soviet Union. He is a student of geopolitics, and he understands Russia's constraints and the overreaching that led to the fall of the Soviet Union. Putin's mission was to return Russia to stability and security -- a massive undertaking for the leader of a country that not only is the world's largest but also is internally diverse and surrounded by potentially hostile powers.

During his first presidential term, Putin launched a comprehensive series of reforms that recentralized power over the Russian regions, cracked down on militancy in the Russian Caucasus, purged the oligarch class and centralized the economy and political system. Putin implemented an autocratic regime and used the military and Russia's security apparatus (including the Federal Security Service), following the example of previous leaders, from the czars to the Soviet rulers. Putin's maneuvers were the natural evolution of how a successful leader rules Russia.

With Russia strong and steady, Putin was able to focus on his country's near abroad. However, the countries surrounding Russia were hostile to the Kremlin's view, with NATO and the European Union pushing ever closer to Russia's borders and forming partnerships with numerous former Soviet states. The czars and Soviet rulers used two primary tactics to counter such a situation.

The first tactic was to mobilize Russia's military to push out foreign influence, whether directly (as Moscow has done with Georgia) or indirectly (by forging military alliances with former Soviet states such as Belarus and Kazakhstan). Although Putin's Russia could do this for one or two countries, it could not use this tactic everywhere in its periphery.

The second tactic was to create alliances of convenience in Europe to help Moscow divide pan-European and NATO expansion and sentiment against Russia while bolstering Russia economically, financially and technologically. Czarist Russia made such arrangements with the United Kingdom during the Napoleonic Wars and with France ahead of World War I, and Soviet leaders formed an alliance of convenience with Germany ahead of World War II. It is not that Russia ever trusted any of these countries (or vice versa), but the Russian and European leaderships shared an inherent understanding that certain alliances are necessary to shape the dynamics on the Continent.

During Putin's era, Russia set its sights on what it considered three of the four premier European powers: Germany, France and Italy. The Kremlin considers the United Kingdom the fourth main power, but London's firm and traditional alliance with the United States has made it resistant to Russia's overtures. The Kremlin saw Germany, France and Italy as the countries holding the economic, political and military heft that, if unified within Western alliance structures, could oppose Russia in Europe. In order to forge partnerships with these countries, Putin built relationships with their rulers.

Putin's Personal Approach

Germany was Russia's natural first choice for a partnership; not only is it the core of Europe, but it is also the European state that the Kremlin fears most. Moreover, Putin has an affinity for Germany that dates back to his days with the KGB, when he was stationed in Dresden, Germany. In the early 2000s, Putin was able to use his fluency in German to develop a strong friendship with then-German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder. Schroeder saw the relationship first as an economic opportunity, since Russia is the world's largest energy producer and exporter and also a place for potential heavy investment.

During Schroeder's chancellorship, trade between Germany and Russia boomed, and Russia gave Germany special benefits as an energy partner. Germany -- in accordance with Putin's plan -- began supporting Russia's position in Europe on specific strategic issues. Schroeder's Germany was alone among Western governments in not vociferously supporting Ukraine's Orange Revolution in 2004-2005. Schroeder also led European opposition to U.S. efforts to begin the NATO accession process for Ukraine and Georgia.

As his friendship with Putin grew, Schroeder purchased an estate outside Moscow near Putin's home and even sought Putin's assistance in adopting two Russian children. Schroeder's ejection from office in 2005 did not end their friendship -- or Schroeder's usefulness to Putin. Despite widespread German criticism, even from Schroeder's own party, the former chancellor accepted a position with Russian state natural gas firm Gazprom to lead the Nord Stream project, a pipeline designed specifically to maximize Russia's energy leverage over Belarus, Ukraine and Poland.

Having created a strong relationship with Berlin, Putin established a similar relationship with France's then-President Jacques Chirac. France's position is different from Germany's in that France is not connected economically or politically with Russia. However, Paris understands the history of strong Berlin-Moscow ties and what those mean for all of Europe. France thus has an interest in making sure it is not left out when Russia and Germany meet. The relationship between Chirac and Putin took this a step further.

At the beginning of their relationship, Putin and Chirac allied politically against the U.S.-led war in Iraq. This was important to Moscow because it undermined NATO's unity on a critical issue. More important for Russia's interests, Chirac lobbied against NATO's expansion to include the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The Baltics were admitted despite Chirac's objections, and when the next NATO summit occurred -- in Latvia -- Chirac invited Putin to the meeting as his guest.

Putin was close friends with the French and German leaders, but he was like a brother to Italy's then-Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. This relationship was more personal, because Italy was not as strategic (or threatening) as the other two European powers. Putin and Berlusconi vacationed together, spent birthdays together and bought each other expensive gifts. In 2011, when Berlusconi was on trial for sexual improprieties, Putin publically defended his friend, saying the allegations were "made out of envy." The Putin-Berlusconi friendship led to relationships between Russian and Italian energy companies, banks and military industrial projects. Most notable, Putin was able to use his relationship with Berlusconi to get Gazprom access to Italian state-linked energy giant ENI's assets throughout North Africa, particularly in Libya.

Putin's personal connections with Germany, France and Italy did not change with the leadership shifts in each country from 2005 to 2007, nor did they change when Putin left the presidential spotlight to become prime minister in 2008. Putin used the momentum built under the previous governments to forge relationships -- even if not as personal -- with German Chancellor Angela Merkel, French President Nicolas Sarkozy and (for a time) Italy's then-Prime Minister Romano Prodi. Putin's circle of friends and associates helped him shape some of Russia's most important strategies in Europe: complicating NATO expansion, pushing Moscow's agenda with NATO, expanding military relationships and becoming capable of invading Georgia without European or NATO intervention. It is not that all of this was possible because of Putin's personal relationships with the leaders of Italy, France and Germany, but those connections facilitated many of the deals that made Russia's progress possible.

Changes Across Europe

As Putin returns to the presidency, he faces a very different Europe -- one in which nearly all of his close friends are out of power. As prime minister, Putin focused on Russia's internal issues while Europe became embroiled in a political and financial crisis that has affected the Continent as a whole. Europe is not as concerned as it once was with the wider world (including Russia). Instead, each state is focused on keeping itself -- and some form of the European alliance -- intact.

Voters have ejected two of the three Russian-friendly European governments during these crises. Berlusconi and his political machine were forced from power in favor of technocrat and now Prime Minister Mario Monti. Monti lacks the political mandate or the will to become involved in geopolitical alignments like a close relationship with Russia. France's Chirac has retired from politics, and Sarkozy was voted out of office the day before Putin was inaugurated. France's Hollande surrounds himself with politicians who have not been in government at any point when Putin was in charge in Russia. This leaves Merkel, whose ties with Putin are the weakest in the Russian leader's European circle. Furthermore, Merkel is concerned with holding Europe together, leaving little time or interest for Russia's plans for Europe.

Thus, Putin's tactic of using personal relationships to help strengthen Russia's position in Europe seems to be outdated. The French and Italian governments are still young, so Putin could try to build relationships with Hollande and Monti. But, like Germany, France and Italy are more interested in what is happening in Europe than in Russia.

This new attitude toward Russia already has surfaced in Rome. In the first talks between the new Italian government and the Russian government, Italian President Giorgio Napolitano made it clear that the Moscow-Rome relationship would undergo a "depersonalization." The first evidence of this was Italy's embrace of U.S. ballistic missile defense plans for Europe. Italy -- like France -- long supported Russia's position on missile defense in Europe. Although this did not prevent Washington from moving forward with its plans, it did create disagreements within NATO. Italy's shift toward unity with NATO and the United States comes just before what was to be a NATO-Russia summit in Chicago, but Russia has been disinvited.

The changes in Europe's leadership and focus come amid Russia's adjustments to other new dynamics in Europe. Before the Continent's financial and political crises, Russia had forged a new strategy for foreign policy regarding Europe in which strategic European partners -- especially Germany, France and Italy -- would invest heavily in Russia's economy and financial sector. With Europe nearly broke, however, this strategy has been cut back and could be abandoned altogether. Russia is proceeding with European partners on some projects, but Moscow must financially step up more than it anticipated for these projects to succeed. It is an expensive foreign policy choice.

Russia's main goal regarding Europe is to keep European powers divided while extracting what Moscow wants financially and technologically. The days have passed when Putin could call a friend in Europe to help with NATO or with technological deficiencies. Russia has to design a new strategy to deal with a very different Europe and adhere to its deeper imperatives rather than rely on personal and political relationships, which are fleeting compared to the forces of geopolitics.