Child actors shame Mexico's politicians with mockumentary

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A split in China's leadership

 

Hu Jintao (C), Wu Bangguo (4th R), Wen Jiabao (4th L), Jia Qinglin (3rd R), Li Changchun (3rd L), Xi Jinping (2nd R), Li Keqiang (2nd L), He Guoqiang (1st R) and Zhou Yongkang (1st L), who are members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the 17th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC), meet the press at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Oct. 22, 2007. (Xinhua/Li Xueren)

Michael Auslin* | National Review Online

China watchers have been digesting the news from last week that Bo Xilai, long considered one of the Communist party’s future stars, was dismissed from his post as party boss of Chonqing, colloquially known as “China’s Chicago,” a sprawling city of nearly 30 million in the southwest of the country. Bo had become symbolic of an old-fashioned, hard-line approach to administration and reform, openly spouting Mao-era songs and slogans. Some in the Western media labeled him a populist, but publicly, this manifested itself in attempts to rally support for tighter government control. The proximate reason for Bo’s dismissal was the apparent attempt by one of his close allies, the vice mayor of Chongqing, to seek asylum in the United States; when this attempt was rebuffed by an American consulate to which he had fled, the official, Wang Lijun, was arrested by Chinese police. In the wake of this incident, China’s premier, Wen Jiabao, began indirectly criticizing Xilai, and from then, the writing was on the wall. This may seem like a bit of inside baseball to those who aren’t steeped in Chinese politics, but the episode is significant, and a rare opportunity to peer behind the veil of the Communist party’s internal workings.

The dismissal of such a senior and well-connected official would be news enough in a regular year. As a son of one of the founders of the People’s Republic, Bo was a charter member of the group known as the “princelings,” whose rise to the heights of power seemed preordained. But this is the year of China’s leadership transition, and Bo, a former Minister of Commerce, was widely expected to be elevated to the Communist party’s Standing Committee — which essentially runs China — later this year. Bo’s fellow princeling Xi Jinping is also in the final months of his assumed ascension to leadership of the Communist party and presidency of China. The spotlight was on Xi earlier this year when he traveled to Washington, D.C., for his inaugural meeting with the Obama administration. As the leadership transition draws near, analysts and pundits have been looking for signs of dissension within the ruling circle, partly as a way to assess the resilience of a regime that is soon to give the reins of power to its fifth generation.

"There is little talk of greater political freedom, and reaction against dissidents and activists remains as quick and brutal as ever." -- Michael Auslin

The public sacking of Bo clearly reveals that such fissures do exist. Granted, the party seems to handle these things better than it did in the old days, when Mao’s heir apparent, Lin Biao, after an apparent coup attempt, died in a mysterious mid-air explosion while trying to flee to Mongolia or Russia. But Bo’s dismissal cuts to the core of both personality politics and competing visions among China’s leaders. At the center of the divergence is the interlinked question of economic liberalization and political openness. China has successfully pursued the former while strictly controlling the latter since the Tiananmen uprising in 1989. Yet two parallel pressures are impinging on the government’s leadership and their efforts to control this dynamic: The first is the rollback in economic liberalization and the corresponding increase in the role of the state-owned sector in China; the second is the continued demand for more political space for China’s citizens, spurred by social media and some of the more abject failings of the party and government (such as the response to last year’s high-speed-rail accident).

Western media like to highlight the difference between Bo’s Mao-inspired approach in Chongqing with that of Wang Yang, party chief of the vibrant southern province of Guangdong. Wang pursued economic liberalization in Guangdong, while Bo favored state-owned enterprises. While Bo whipped up the masses with Mao-era songs, Wang took a decidedly low-key response to protests in the small village of Wukan last year. The “Guangdong model” has made Wang a favorite among those who believe that China can continue to evolve toward a more liberal model of governance. As proof of its effectiveness, they point to the fact that Wang, too, is expected to be made a member of the all-powerful Standing Committee this autumn.

Yet it would seem that Bo’s fall is due less to an open ideological war between reformist and reactionary factions among China’s leadership and more to traditional power politics. With his grandstanding and de facto criticism of their staid leadership, Bo appears to have alienated many powerful members of the current leadership, including party chief Hu Jintao and Premier Wen. Allegations of malfeasance against him are now indicating that vice mayor Wang Lijun’s asylum bid was an attempt to escape from Bo’s reach; apparently, Wang, who was also police chief for Chongqing, may have been investigating Bo’s family for corruption. If true, then Bo was dismissed not because of high-minded theoretical disputes, but for typical political skullduggery. Bo had made himself inconvenient and vulnerable, and his opponents jumped at the chance to rid themselves of a thorn in their side.

Western analysts should not read too much into the saga of Bo Xilai. While it is a fascinating story, and more may come out about corruption and the like, there is little here to indicate that the episode heralds any kind of reckoning among China’s leaders over the future of the country. The party, largely reviled by most of society, remains firmly in power, and has at least implicitly endorsed the growth of the state-owned sector over the past decade. There is little talk of greater political freedom, and reaction against dissidents and activists remains as quick and brutal as ever. Nor does there seem to be disagreement over China’s foreign policy, its support for pariah regimes, and its increasing reliance on military strength to assert its interests in its region.

Perhaps the real question mark hanging over China’s future is one that is entirely absent from the Bo story: After nearly two decades of phenomenal growth in power and influence, what role does China’s military, the People’s Liberation Army, see itself playing in Zhongnanhai, the headquarters of the Communist party? That is a question that can only become clear in the aftermath to the civilian political transition that, while troubled by Bo’s antics, is still on target for the autumn.

Western analysts should not read too much into the saga of Bo Xilai. While it is a fascinating story, and more may come out about corruption and the like, there is little here to indicate that the episode heralds any kind of reckoning among China’s leaders over the future of the country. The party, largely reviled by most of society, remains firmly in power, and has at least implicitly endorsed the growth of the state-owned sector over the past decade. There is little talk of greater political freedom, and reaction against dissidents and activists remains as quick and brutal as ever. Nor does there seem to be disagreement over China’s foreign policy, its support for pariah regimes, and its increasing reliance on military strength to assert its interests in its region.

Perhaps the real question mark hanging over China’s future is one that is entirely absent from the Bo story: After nearly two decades of phenomenal growth in power and influence, what role does China’s military, the People’s Liberation Army, see itself playing in Zhongnanhai, the headquarters of the Communist party? That is a question that can only become clear in the aftermath to the civilian political transition that, while troubled by Bo’s antics, is still on target for the autumn.

------------------------------------------

*Michael Auslin is a resident scholar at AEI.

 

Bo Xilai and coming changes in China

Dan Blumenthal, Lara Crouch | Foreign Policy

Bo Xilai attends a meeting during the annual National People's Congress at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, China on Mar. 6, 2010.

In the last couple of days, Western media has been abuzz with rumors sourced from Chinese social media websites, Falun Gong-sponsored news outlets, and analysts in Hong Kong of an attempted coup in Beijing. The only thing lending credence to these rumors is the seeming existence of a power struggle that resulted in the sacking of Chongqing Party Secretary Bo Xilai. This is the most significant removal of a government official since 2006 when Shanghai Party Chief Chen Liangyu was fired during a corruption probe.
The recent string of events have made for exciting political drama, but let's remember that only nine men in China know what is really going on. This holds true in the case of Bo Xilai and his deputy Wang Lijun, as well as the current status of security chief Zhou Yongkang (some of the recent rumors are swirling around him). Given the uncertain political environment, those nine will not be talking much anytime soon.
While we do not know why Bo was removed and other bits of "Zhongnanhaiology," recent incidents have revealed some useful information about the respective roles of power and ideology in China. And these, in turn, show that change is coming to China, even if we don't know what that change will look like. Power struggles are real as party leaders fight over an inverted Golden Rule -- in China, he who makes the rules gets the gold.
First, Bo Xilai's ouster was about power, rather than ideology. From the central leadership's rhetoric, especially Wen Jiabao's statements about the need to avoid another Cultural Revolution, one would think that Bo's fall from grace had mostly to do with his embrace of some form of Maoism. Indeed, it's a convenient picture for the central leadership to paint for an international audience -- that they ousted Bo to prevent China from making a "left turn." While there may be a kernel of truth to this, the "red songs" were more of a means to an end for Bo. Likewise, Bo's supposed "red ideology" provided Chinese leaders a good pretense to remove a threat to central power.
Bo was aiming for a place in the Standing Committee to increase his own power. And his real "crime" according to the leadership is not what he did in Chongqing, but how he did it. In executing his dual "sing red strike black" campaigns, Bo established a separate center of power around himself that did not rely on the central leadership. Bo was establishing his own power base and as a result became somewhat of a national sensation (some Chinese citizens were even writing songs about him). His power resulted from his own self-promotion, and not because he was favored by the leadership. He was a populist, but more importantly he was a populist operating as the face of the party and demonstrating a way of governing that was different from the central leadership.    
Second, power is what is propelling Chinese politics during this time of transition. China is now run more like a mafia state with a dozen or so powerful families in charge. Bo's was one of them. The rules of the game are as such: "If you go after us, then we will go after you." This might be another contributing factor to Bo's demise. His deputy was allegedly probing Bo's own family for corruption, and Bo responded by allegedly interfering in the investigation and attempting to sideline his once powerful chief. Unfortunately for Bo, his power struggle with Wang was not as important as Beijing's struggle with him. The leadership's longtime reservations about Bo's political style combined with his sudden vulnerability made for an excellent pretext to "go after" him.
While Bo's story is about power, it should not obscure the fact that there is an ideological struggle going on inside China. The struggle is a competition of ideas pitting those aligned with Chinese reformers and the "real" Chinese private sector against very powerful state owned enterprises and the party bosses who benefit from them. The former know that Beijing's growth model will come to an end unless serious capitalist reform is enacted. The latter know that if those reforms are enacted the party (and party) is over for them.
Even more so than the sacking of Bo and the evident tension it is creating, the existence of a struggle over the future of the Chinese economy demonstrates a lack of consensus in China, notwithstanding the intellectual faddishness about the "Beijing Consensus." This intellectual fad -- a battle between Beijing's model of state-led economics and Western liberal economics -- is a creation of the West. But the real battle is inside China -- will it become more capitalist and grow or will it sputter?
This lack of consensus shows that while it is impossible to predict what will happen in China (muddling along, collapse, stagnation), one thing is becoming clear -- China will change over the next decade. As the economic model comes increasingly into question, other internal problems will come home to roost, including disastrous population policies, widespread corruption at the highest levels of government, and inert political leadership.
As we watch these events unfold, it behooves us to remember that one of the reasons outsiders are paying attention to the idea that there may be a coup in China is that the military is the only institution that can keep the country together. Political crisis in China could pave the way for a PLA-led China. If anything, the downfall of Bo tells us is that the transition in China is not as smooth as it seems. Power struggles are real as party leaders fight over an inverted Golden Rule -- in China, he who makes the rules gets the gold. While the particulars of the Bo case are uncertain, two things are clear: The leaders are no longer all powerful and reform is badly needed. The question is, will China make the kind of changes it objectively needs or will it become a stagnating PLA-led state?

Miami: El Estadio y la Corrupcion/ Espinaxiones

Espinaxiones/

Lo del Estadio y los Marlins ha sido una total desverguenza y una gran provocacion. Ayer o reciente alguno declaro que amaba a Fidel Castro. Esta historia de muchos millones para llenar bolsillos que ya estaban repletos llega a colmos.

A unas decenas de infelices familias que han sufrido de todo en los alrededores de la construccion del estadio,ahora, y ademas, les han afectado en sus facilidades de parqueo.

La historia de los parqueos es tal vez lo minimo y cortina de humo donde otros se han servido para sus miserias humanas y sus avaricias. Uno de los politikaxtroz (me suena conocido) y que imagino ya habia recibido sus prebendas, ahora solicitaba $40,000 para habilitar un solar yermo como parqueo para los desgraciados. $40,000 que hasta tu o yo podiamos haber dado. Pero ello ha servido tambien para la politica y un miserable del equipo Miami Marlins ademas de otras declaraciones despreciables tambien dijo que no darian ni un centavo mientras a ellos les han dado 500 millones y cualquier pelotero se gasta un millon en memorabilia, las porquerias que coleccionan con fotos o firmas de los que andan en tales alturas.

 

Hay que ver como cunden los abusos y las miserias mientras se aumentan los sueldos y se venden a magnates como jineteras para que no suene tan feo como decirles prostitutas. Millones y millones vuelan aunque otros millones no tengan para pagar la renta.

 

Cuando al fin dieron los $40,000 parecio una gran cosa para perdonarlos y un exito del politico que disponia de $850,000, es lo que pueden manipular los comisionados mas gastos de muchos tipos.

Deja ver si consigo Time o Times que trae chisme sobre el asunto en el dia de hoy. Yo creo es una revista local y gratis. Tiene portadas escandalosas y hasta algun articulo.

#Conspiracy on House Floor : Why Did A Congressman Wear A Hoodie?

Dem. Rep. Causes Chaos on House Floor After Giving Speech in a Hoodie

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Ex-Illinois Governor Rod Blagojevich gets in final words before prison

Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

Montaner sobre Ideólogos o Gerentes

enfrentamos crisis de valores observables desde la parada del bus hasta las mesas mas refinadas y sofisticadas, lo que brinda el entorno propicio para los ideologos algunos de los cuales lamentablemente aspiran [y hasta a veces lo logran] a convertirse en mesias predestinados. si mal no recuerdo fue galbraith en el unico libro que escribio sobre gerencia empresarial, el que expreso que preferia los politicos grises que fueran buenos administradores. nada simpatizante de los lideres carismaticos por razones evidentes, comulgo con galbraith. no aparece en titulares sino es para llegar tarde a la foto de los lideres de los “g-n”, pero un harper gris, monotomo hasta el aburrimiento, es el “ideologo” y lider de la 2da economia mas solidamente establecida worldwilde.

------------------------------------------------

Leer a  Montaner >>

Canada: Bob Rae is Back

NDP premier he threw Ontario into the worst recession since the Dirty Thirties. Now he's plotting to take over the Liberal Party. If he gets the chance he'll do for Canada what he did for Ontario. Don't let him do it again.

The Top Political Gaffes of 2011/ Times Magazine

Por que los gobernantes democraticos no condenan al Castrismo?

Huber Matos Jr. se pregunta  "Si el régimen castrista es ilegítimo, ¿por qué razón los gobernantes democráticos no lo dicen claramente?"

son multiples las razones y algunas se han modificado con el transcurrir del tiempo. entre otras:

• porque en politica lo que ES es lo que se PERCIBE, con lo cual lo que "ES" es diferente para muchos actores politicos, los que ademas tienen que desenvolver sus actividades en el implagable juego democratico de su entorno politico con las prioridades correspondientes
• porque el regimen se ha ocupado concienzudamente de asegurarse pactos de inmunidad y/o impunidad por diferentes vias. mas alla de los casos de eeuu y europa, canada ilustra diafanmente el asunto. expresado simplemente: de cada 100 turistas 47-48 son canadienses [+ un billon de dolares de ingresos brutos anuales], a cambio controla inversiones en sectores estrategicos en la isla, algo que tiene que aceptar hasta un conservador nada simpatizante del regimen como mr. harper
• porque el castrismo luego del exterminio de la oposicion armada a mediados de la decada del 60, ha realizado un empleo muy ajustado, puntual y discreto de la fuerza represiva contra el movimiento  opositor y disidente, con lo que evita el "pretexto" para contundentes acciones condenatorias y represivas
• porque la maquinaria propagandista y manipuladora del regimen se sustenta en causas "defendibles" por su aceptacion universal tales como "david frente a goliat", pobres vs ricos, autodeterminacion, soberania, antimperialismo, etc
• porque el aparato de inteligencia y contrainteligencia crea una masa de simpatizantes y agentes de influencia de multiplicadores aplicados y fanaticos de sus intereses
• porque mas que comprar, comprometen voluntades. seria bueno conocer cuantos de los que volveran a votar en contra del embargo en naciones unidas, conocen el origen historico y el fundamento legal del mismo, cuando por el contrario reciben la asistencia medica, militar y de inteligencia cubana que les permite mantenerse en el poder
• .....................etc.

Suspected Russian Spy Was Sleeping With UK Politician And European Officials

Ekaterina Zatuliveter, a former Parliamentary assistant in the UK accused of being a Russian spy, had a four year affair with an MP and also slept with a number of unidentified European officials, according to reports from The Times.

Zatuliveter, also known as Katia, was arrested last year by the British secret service on suspicion of spying. Now, facing deportation at London's Special Immigration Appeals Commission, she is denying the accusations.

Regardless, her relationship with 64-year-old British MP Mike Hancock has come under scrutiny. The Telegraph reports that she first met with Hancock while she was a student at St Petersburg University. She was assigned as his chaperon for a conference and rebuffed his advances that night.

However, on a return visit to Moscow Hancock reconnected with her and she moved to the UK to conduct an affair with him while studying at the University of Bradford. She eventually began to work as his assistant (passing all security checks) in the UK Parliament, a sensitive role because of his work on the Defence Select Committee.

Read more: http://www.businessinsider.com/mike-hancock-ekaterina-zatuliveter-russia-spy-2011-10?nr_email_referer=1&utm_source=Triggermail&utm_medium=email&utm_term=Business%20Insider%20Select&utm_campaign=BI%20Select%20Recurring%202011-10-18#ixzz1bAsAMG8U

El otro Harry Truman

Lauren Bacall and Harry Truman

 

HARRY TRUMAN fue una clase diferente como Presidente. Probablemente tomo tantas ó mayores decisiones en relación con la historia de USA como Nación como las que hicieron los otros 42 Presidentes que lo precedieron.  Sin embargo, una medida de su grandeza puede que permanezca para siempre y esa fue lo que hizo después que dejó la Casa Blanca.

          El único 'Activo' que tenía cuando falleció era la casa en la cual vivía, que se hallaba en Independence , Missouri . Su esposa la había heredado de sus padres y aparte de los años que pasaron en la Casa Blanca fue donde vivieron durante toda la vida.

          Cuando se retiró de la vida Oficial en 1952, todo su ingreso fue de una pensión que se reportó que venía del Ejército de U.S. de  $13,507.72 al año.  El Congreso, enterándose que pagaba sus sellos de correo y pegándolos personalmente con su saliva, le otorgó un 'allowance' y, más tarde, una pensión retroactiva de  $25,000 por año.

          Luego de la inauguración del Presidente Eisenhower, Harry and Bess regresaron manejando su carro a su hogar en   Missouri ... sin ninguna compañía del Servicio Secreto.

          Cuando le ofrecían posiciones corporativas con grandes salarios, los rechazaba, diciendo:  "Ustedes no me quieren, lo que quieren es a la figura del Presidente y esa no me pertenece.  Le pertenece al Pueblo Norteamericano y no está a la venta...".

          Aún después, cuando en Mayo 6, 1971, el Congreso estaba preparándose para otorgarle la Medalla de Honor en su 87 cumpleaños, se rehusó aceptarla, escribiéndoles que:  "No considero que haya hecho algo que me la merezca, ya sea que venga del Congreso o de ninguna parte."

          Como  Presidente se pagó todos los gastos de viaje y la comida con su propio dinero.

          Políticos modernos han encontrado un nuevo nivel de éxito usando la Presidencia,  resultando que obtengan una enorme riqueza.  Hoy día,  muchos políticos en el Congreso también han encontrado los medios de convertirse en millonarios, mientras disfrutan sus puestos, los cuales están ahora a la venta. 

          El bueno de Harry Truman estaba en lo correcto cuando observaba:  "Mis metas en la vida siempre fueron ser un pianista en  una casa de prostitutas o ser político.  Y para decir la verdad,  no existe gran diferencia entre las dos!"

Nick Clegg caught with open microphone

Nick Clegg forgets his microphone is open after finishing with a public event.

Canada: Conservatives could be tossed from office

OTTAWA—Saying Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s government is “out of touch and out of control,” Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff opened the way for opposition parties to defeat the minority Conservative government later Friday.

 “So we need a change,” the new socialistic Ignatieff said. Previewing his election campaign platform, he went on to say the priorities for Ottawa’s spending should be early learning and childcare; post-secondary education for all, “especially for aboriginal and immigrant Canadians;” energy efficiency and “green jobs;” care for ill family members and better support for the retired.

But Mr. Ignatieff's plans are what Canadians need the most right  now?

Wikileaks India: Politician corruption

A brain transplant/ Humor

A brain transplant
-
In the hospital the relatives gathered in the waiting room, where a family member lay gravely ill. Finally, the doctor came in looking tired and somber. "I'm afraid I'm the bearer of bad news", he said as he surveyed the worried faces. "The only hope left for your loved one at this time is a brain transplant. It's an experimental procedure, very risky, but it is the only hope. Insurance will cover the procedure, but you will have to pay for the BRAIN."

The family members sat silent as they absorbed the news. After a time, someone asked, 'How much will a brain cost?'

The doctor quickly responded, "$5,000 for a Democrat's brain; $500 for a Republican's brain."

The moment turned awkward. Some of the Democrats actually had to 'try' to not smile, avoiding eye contact with the Republicans. A man unable to control his curiosity, finally blurted out the question everyone wanted to ask, "Why is the Democrat's brain so much more than a Republican's brain?"

The doctor smiled at the childish innocence and explained to the entire group, "It's just standard pricing procedure. We have to price the Republicans brains a lot lower because they've been used."

Gen. David Petraeus orders an investigation into claims that a top Army official instructed a military team to manipulate visiting U.S. dignitaries using 'psychological operations' so they would approve more resources for the Afghanistan war. 

Full story

Petraeus Orders Probe Over Psy-Ops

Toronto: Doug Ford says the mayor should have veto power over council

Lest anyone be skeptical, we’re sure Doug Ford would be saying this even if George Smitherman or Joe Pantalone had won the election, and not his own brother Rob Ford:  “I believe in a strong mayor system, like they have in the States. The mayor should have veto power … so he has enough power to stop council,” Doug told the Globe and Mail. “The mayor should be the mayor. At the end of the day … the mayor’s responsible for everything.”

Full story

Doug Ford says the mayor should have veto power over council

La unica foto de Marilyn Monroe con JFK

Fotografía inédita donde aparecen Marilyn Monroe, J.F. Kennedy, y el hermano del presidente, Robert F. Kennedy (Cortesía Keya Morgan).

Condoleezza Rice: "'I cannot imagine myself running for office"

But she will be a great President


New York (CNN) -- Condoleezza Rice said she is enjoying life as a college professor outside the political realm, but she says the job is similar to her previous post -- secretary of state under former President George W. Bush.
"It has a lot of things in common," Rice said in an interview airing Wednesday on "Piers Morgan Tonight." "Trying to persuade 19-year-olds -- it's not all that different than trying to persuade some heads of state."
Asked whether she would ever seek an elected position, Rice said, "I cannot imagine myself running for office. Not because politics are so tough, but it's just not me."
She currently is a professor of political science at Stanford University and a professor of political economy in the university's graduate school of business. She's been at Stanford nearly 30 years, she said.
"It's certainly different being out of power," Rice said. "You can read the newspaper and you can say, 'Oh, isn't that interesting?' You can go on to the next page if you like, which I rather enjoy."
Being a public servant, she said, is different than seeking votes. "There's no greater challenge and there is no greater honor than to be in public service. ... Sometimes we tend to impugn the motives of public servants, but I can assure you they're not there for the glory. They're not there for themselves."
"I'm not very young anymore," she said, explaining why she doesn't want to run for office. "What are you, 30?" Morgan asked. "Thank you," she replied. "Thirty-nine?" he asked. "We'll leave it at that," she said. (For the record, she's 56.)

It's certainly different being out of power. You can read the newspaper and you can say, 'Oh, isn't that interesting?' You can go on to the next page if you like, which I rather enjoy.
--Condoleezza Rice

RELATED TOPICS

• Condoleezza Rice
• Piers Morgan

An extremely private person, Rice was loath to discuss many aspects of her personal life, but said she has "come close" to marriage -- she wouldn't say how many times -- and still hasn't ruled it out, although she allowed, "I think I'm well beyond the fairy tale wedding stage."
Her ideal man, she said, would like to watch football with her all day -- "I can watch football for hours on end" -- and would like classical music. An accomplished pianist, Rice said she harbored hopes of becoming a concert pianist one day, but now believes she wasn't good enough to attain that. She still plays piano daily, she said, and recalls her proudest moment as playing with cellist Yo-Yo Ma.
Asked what kind of men she finds attractive, she told Morgan, "I don't do hypothetical ... I've never met anybody that I wanted to live with. Now, when I do, I'll let you know."
However, she said she's "actually quite easy to get along with" and no slouch in the kitchen.
"I'd cook you fried chicken," she told Morgan. "Southern fried chicken. I would cook chili perhaps. Uh, corn bread. I'm quite good at corn bread. Or perhaps because of my half-Creole grandmother, I'd cook you gumbo."

When Morgan admitted he doesn't know what gumbo is, Rice said, "Go to New Orleans. They'll tell you."