Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta huelga de hambre. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta huelga de hambre. Mostrar todas las entradas
martes, junio 26, 2012
martes, mayo 15, 2012
ORLANDO ZAPATA CUMPLIRIA HOY 45 AÑOS: “Como Cristo, tenemos que estar dispuestos a morir por la libertad”.
lamentablemente ya muchos han olvidado al modesto heroe mientras otros se pliegan vergonzosamente ante el trono de los tiranos.
Leer >>
lunes, marzo 26, 2012
martes, marzo 20, 2012
martes, febrero 21, 2012
martes, enero 24, 2012
Cuba human rights activist Jorge Cervantes starts hunger strike to protest arrest
| Jorge Cervantes |
Cuban dissident Jorge Cervantes spent the better part of 15 years in the Castro gulag, so when he steps out against the regime, he does it with the full force of his will and convictions.
That's exactly what he did this week.
Cervantes and another activist, Guillermo Cobas Reyes, were arrested after police in Contramaestre, the hometown of murdered political prisoner Wilman Villar Mendoza, caught them putting up posters protesting Villar's death.
Soon afterward, Cervantes declared a hunger strike to demand his release.
Considering what the regime did to Villar after he started an identical protest with an identical demand, that truly is courageous.
viernes, enero 20, 2012
Kaxtrizmo: An Animal Farm in the Caribbean Sea
 |
| blog.ushanka.us |
Espinaxiones/
Estoy leyendo el librito de George Orwell. Estoy cuidando un aula de High School que lo tienen asignado como lectura. Creo que con el nuevo asesinato que han consumado en Cuba se le debe poner dificil la visita del Papa para abrazarse y darle las bendiciones a los asesinos. Ya habiamos comentado como la intercesion del Cardenal Jaime Ortega y Moratinos le saco las castañas del fuego al kaxtrato cuando peor se la vieron despues del asesinato de Orlando Zapata Tamayo, la potencial muerte de Fariñas en valiente, oportuna, consecuente y audaz huelga de hambre.
Despues del padrinazgo de los infames para que el kaxtrizmo continuara su curso en aguas mas tranquilas se han seguido cometiendo muchos crimenes como el de Laura Pollan y ahora el de Wilman Villar Mendoza, entre otros muchos, muchisimos aunque realmente no harian falta mas para el resume u hoja de vida de estos asesinos de 60 años o mas pues desde antes del Moncada en 1953 ya tenian las manos manchadas de sangre y otros delitos comunes pues muchos de ellos, de los principales sabemos todos eran drogadictos, proxenetas, expendedores y otras linduras que la prensa oficial, con tan buena memoria y capacidad investigativa no encuentra ni recuerda.
Que ni los Papas, ni los inocentes, ni los complices, ni Moratinos, ni el Cardenal Ortega, ni otros infames y miserables piensen que estamos hablando ni seran juzgados por solamente 3 o 5 crimenes, son miles y miles de asesinatos unos mas viles y repugnantes que otros pero todos con el costo de la vida humana, con un remolcador "13 de Marzo" y sus decenas de niños y mujeres asesinados con nocturnidad, premeditacion y alevosia en aquella madrugada de julio de 1994 seria suficiente para que el mundo abriera los ojos y se llenara de justa indignacion y feroz justicia contra el kaxtrato y los kaxtroz.
Despues del padrinazgo de los infames para que el kaxtrizmo continuara su curso en aguas mas tranquilas se han seguido cometiendo muchos crimenes como el de Laura Pollan y ahora el de Wilman Villar Mendoza, entre otros muchos, muchisimos aunque realmente no harian falta mas para el resume u hoja de vida de estos asesinos de 60 años o mas pues desde antes del Moncada en 1953 ya tenian las manos manchadas de sangre y otros delitos comunes pues muchos de ellos, de los principales sabemos todos eran drogadictos, proxenetas, expendedores y otras linduras que la prensa oficial, con tan buena memoria y capacidad investigativa no encuentra ni recuerda.
Que ni los Papas, ni los inocentes, ni los complices, ni Moratinos, ni el Cardenal Ortega, ni otros infames y miserables piensen que estamos hablando ni seran juzgados por solamente 3 o 5 crimenes, son miles y miles de asesinatos unos mas viles y repugnantes que otros pero todos con el costo de la vida humana, con un remolcador "13 de Marzo" y sus decenas de niños y mujeres asesinados con nocturnidad, premeditacion y alevosia en aquella madrugada de julio de 1994 seria suficiente para que el mundo abriera los ojos y se llenara de justa indignacion y feroz justicia contra el kaxtrato y los kaxtroz.
------------------------------------------------
"We were very lucky to get out of Spain alive," George Orwell wrote afterwards. He was not talking about the nearly fatal throat wound he suffered in combat during the Spanish Civil War but about Stalin‟s murderous political apparatchiks who had gained partial control of the Spanish government by 1937.
He had gone to Spain to fight for that government because he thought it represented political decency, and his belief in the importance of political decency had nearly been the end of him. More or less by chance, he had ended up a Trotskyist outfit at a time when Stalinists were trying to destroy every trace of Trotsky‟s contribution to the Russian revolution. These purges were directed from Moscow, but had deadly consequences even in faraway Spain, where Stalin was ostensibly supporting a democratic Spanish government.
"Many of our friends were shot, and others spent a long time in prison or simply disappeared," Orwell recalled in his preface to a 1947 Ukrainian-language edition of Animal Farm.
This narrow escape from the long reach of Moscow-style politics left him alarmed about the gullibility of other well-meaning, decent people in Western Europe. He thought too many decent people in the Western democracies had succumbed to a dangerously romantic view of the Russian revolution that blinded them to Soviet reality.
Soviet communism paid a heavy price for what it did to Orwell in Spain. Out of that experience came Animal Farm. An attack on the myth of the nobility of Soviet communism, Animal Farm became one of the century‟s most devastating literary acts of political destruction.
Orwell called the book "a fairy story." Like Voltaire‟s Candide, however, with which it bears comparison, it is too many other things to be so handily classified. It is also a political tract, a satire on human folly, a loud hee-haw at all who year for Utopia, an allegorical lesson, and a pretty good fable in the Aesop tradition. It is also a passionate sermon against the dangers of political innocence. The passage in which the loyal but stupid workhorse Boxer is sold to be turned into glue, hides, and bone meal because he is no longer useful is written out of a controlled and icy hatred for the cynicism of the Soviet system—but also out of despair for all deluded people who served it gladly.
Maybe because it gilds the philosophic pill with fairy-story trappings, Animal Farm has had an astonishing success for a book rooted in politics. Since its first publication at the end of World War II, it has been read by millions. With 1984, published three years later, it established Orwell as an important man of letters. It has enriched modern political discourse with the observation that "All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others." How did we ever grasp the true nature of the politics of uplift before Orwell explained it so precisely?
George Orwell is the pen name of Eric Blair, the son of a colonial official with long service in British India. Eric was educated as a scholarship boy at Eton and seemed to be miserable there most of the time, largely, one guesses, because of the money gap that divided him from so many of his well-heeled schoolmates. His dislike of the moneyed classes in turn influenced him toward a lifelong loyalty to democratic socialism. After Eton he went to Burma as a member of the Imperial constabulary and had the enlightening experience of discovering he was hated by the Burmese people as a symbol of British imperialism. Hating the work himself, he quit, and came back to England to try making a living by writing.
During the years when he was not very successful he began to devote himself to work for British socialism. Afterwards he said he had never written anything good that was not about politics. Before he went to work on Animal Farm his books were well enough received by the critics but sold modestly.
Those old enough to remember the wartime spirit of the 1940s may be startled to realize that Orwell started work on Animal Farm in 1943. As he discovered when he went looking for a publisher, Stalin‟s Soviet Union was so popular that year in Britain and America that few wanted to hear or read anything critical of it. It was as though a great deal of the West had willingly put on blinders, and this was because the Red Army that year had fought the Nazis to a standstill and forced it to retreat. Suddenly Hitler‟s army, which had looked invincible for so long, had begun to look vincible.
In this period the air on both sides of the Atlantic was filled with a great deal of justifiable praise for the Soviet people and their fighting forces. Stalin‟s political system, with its bloody purges and police-state brutality, was an important beneficiary of all this. Looking for a publisher for his small book, Orwell was reminded that British socialists, who idealized the Russian revolution, had never been hospitable to critics of the Soviet Union. In 1943, however, even conservatives were pro-Soviet.
It became hard to write candidly of the Soviet system without being accused of playing dupe to the Nazis. Orwell discovered how hard when he began receiving publishers‟ rejections on Animal Farm. With its swinish communists, the book seemed heretical. And no wonder. Stalin and Trotsky, after all, were unmistakably Orwell‟s feuding pigs, Napoleon and Snowball. It was not until the war had ended that Fredric Warburg finally published it, on August 17, 1945.
It brought Orwell his first popular success, with sales in England vastly exceeding any of his previous books. In America, where it was published in 1946, it sold nearly 600,000 copies in four years and has not stopped selling since.
What‟s curious was Orwell‟s insistence that he had no intention of damaging the "socialist" cause. You would never have guessed this after reading the book, but he insisted that he intended only to write a cautionary story for the democratic West, warning it against a dangerously alien form of "socialism." Devoted to British socialism, Orwell cannot have found it very pleasant being denounced an enemy of what the Russians, and many of his countrymen too, called "socialism." Orwell, of course, was seldom happier than when he was attacking fraud and hypocrisy and hearing the squeals of the injured.
Despite his insistence on being "political" in his work, Orwell‟s career suggests his politics were the sort that real politicians detest. Why, for example, was Orwell so determined to make the case against Soviet communism at precisely the moment all proper people preferred not to hear it? Devoted socialist he may have been, but he had none of the politician‟s instinct for trimming sails to the wind when it is expedient to tell people what they want to hear. http://kisdwebs.katyisd.org/campuses/CRHS/teacherweb/englishii/Teacher%20Documents/6TH%20SIX%20WEEKS/Animal%20Farm%20Study%20Guide%20Packet%202011-12.pdf
He had gone to Spain to fight for that government because he thought it represented political decency, and his belief in the importance of political decency had nearly been the end of him. More or less by chance, he had ended up a Trotskyist outfit at a time when Stalinists were trying to destroy every trace of Trotsky‟s contribution to the Russian revolution. These purges were directed from Moscow, but had deadly consequences even in faraway Spain, where Stalin was ostensibly supporting a democratic Spanish government.
"Many of our friends were shot, and others spent a long time in prison or simply disappeared," Orwell recalled in his preface to a 1947 Ukrainian-language edition of Animal Farm.
This narrow escape from the long reach of Moscow-style politics left him alarmed about the gullibility of other well-meaning, decent people in Western Europe. He thought too many decent people in the Western democracies had succumbed to a dangerously romantic view of the Russian revolution that blinded them to Soviet reality.
Soviet communism paid a heavy price for what it did to Orwell in Spain. Out of that experience came Animal Farm. An attack on the myth of the nobility of Soviet communism, Animal Farm became one of the century‟s most devastating literary acts of political destruction.
Orwell called the book "a fairy story." Like Voltaire‟s Candide, however, with which it bears comparison, it is too many other things to be so handily classified. It is also a political tract, a satire on human folly, a loud hee-haw at all who year for Utopia, an allegorical lesson, and a pretty good fable in the Aesop tradition. It is also a passionate sermon against the dangers of political innocence. The passage in which the loyal but stupid workhorse Boxer is sold to be turned into glue, hides, and bone meal because he is no longer useful is written out of a controlled and icy hatred for the cynicism of the Soviet system—but also out of despair for all deluded people who served it gladly.
Maybe because it gilds the philosophic pill with fairy-story trappings, Animal Farm has had an astonishing success for a book rooted in politics. Since its first publication at the end of World War II, it has been read by millions. With 1984, published three years later, it established Orwell as an important man of letters. It has enriched modern political discourse with the observation that "All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others." How did we ever grasp the true nature of the politics of uplift before Orwell explained it so precisely?
George Orwell is the pen name of Eric Blair, the son of a colonial official with long service in British India. Eric was educated as a scholarship boy at Eton and seemed to be miserable there most of the time, largely, one guesses, because of the money gap that divided him from so many of his well-heeled schoolmates. His dislike of the moneyed classes in turn influenced him toward a lifelong loyalty to democratic socialism. After Eton he went to Burma as a member of the Imperial constabulary and had the enlightening experience of discovering he was hated by the Burmese people as a symbol of British imperialism. Hating the work himself, he quit, and came back to England to try making a living by writing.
During the years when he was not very successful he began to devote himself to work for British socialism. Afterwards he said he had never written anything good that was not about politics. Before he went to work on Animal Farm his books were well enough received by the critics but sold modestly.
Those old enough to remember the wartime spirit of the 1940s may be startled to realize that Orwell started work on Animal Farm in 1943. As he discovered when he went looking for a publisher, Stalin‟s Soviet Union was so popular that year in Britain and America that few wanted to hear or read anything critical of it. It was as though a great deal of the West had willingly put on blinders, and this was because the Red Army that year had fought the Nazis to a standstill and forced it to retreat. Suddenly Hitler‟s army, which had looked invincible for so long, had begun to look vincible.
In this period the air on both sides of the Atlantic was filled with a great deal of justifiable praise for the Soviet people and their fighting forces. Stalin‟s political system, with its bloody purges and police-state brutality, was an important beneficiary of all this. Looking for a publisher for his small book, Orwell was reminded that British socialists, who idealized the Russian revolution, had never been hospitable to critics of the Soviet Union. In 1943, however, even conservatives were pro-Soviet.
It became hard to write candidly of the Soviet system without being accused of playing dupe to the Nazis. Orwell discovered how hard when he began receiving publishers‟ rejections on Animal Farm. With its swinish communists, the book seemed heretical. And no wonder. Stalin and Trotsky, after all, were unmistakably Orwell‟s feuding pigs, Napoleon and Snowball. It was not until the war had ended that Fredric Warburg finally published it, on August 17, 1945.
It brought Orwell his first popular success, with sales in England vastly exceeding any of his previous books. In America, where it was published in 1946, it sold nearly 600,000 copies in four years and has not stopped selling since.
What‟s curious was Orwell‟s insistence that he had no intention of damaging the "socialist" cause. You would never have guessed this after reading the book, but he insisted that he intended only to write a cautionary story for the democratic West, warning it against a dangerously alien form of "socialism." Devoted to British socialism, Orwell cannot have found it very pleasant being denounced an enemy of what the Russians, and many of his countrymen too, called "socialism." Orwell, of course, was seldom happier than when he was attacking fraud and hypocrisy and hearing the squeals of the injured.
Despite his insistence on being "political" in his work, Orwell‟s career suggests his politics were the sort that real politicians detest. Why, for example, was Orwell so determined to make the case against Soviet communism at precisely the moment all proper people preferred not to hear it? Devoted socialist he may have been, but he had none of the politician‟s instinct for trimming sails to the wind when it is expedient to tell people what they want to hear. http://kisdwebs.katyisd.org/campuses/CRHS/teacherweb/englishii/Teacher%20Documents/6TH%20SIX%20WEEKS/Animal%20Farm%20Study%20Guide%20Packet%202011-12.pdf
#Cuba - La esposa de Wilman Villar denuncia que las autoridades "lo dejaron morir"
Maritza Pelegrino, la esposa del disidente cubano Wilman Villar Mendoza, quien falleció esta pasada noche tras permanecer 50 días en huelga de hambre, ha denunciado que las autoridades de la isla "lo dejaron morir" y que las fuerzas de seguridad han detenido y golpeado a los opositores que habían intentado salir a la calle para protestar contra esta "injusticia".
"Desde que salió de la prisión él estaba ya muerto", pero "lo tenían vivo con los aparatos y le estaban haciendo creer a la familia que estaban haciendo todo lo posible por revivirlo", aseguró Pelegrino en declaraciones a ABC Punto Radio, recogidas por Europa Press.
"Pero todo fue mentira, un engaño, una vez más nos volvieron a engañar", prosiguió. "Ya no se podía hacer nada por él y ellos estaban dando tiempo para decir que estaban haciendo todo lo posible, pero todo fue mentira, ellos lo dejaron morir, son unos asesinos, personas que no tienen corazón", aseveró.
Según la esposa de Wilman Villar, "todos" los opositores que "han querido salir para la calle" para protestar por la muerte del disidente han sido detenidos y sometidos a malos tratos, como es el caso de Prudencio Villalón, "que estaba allí con nosotros cuando nos dijeron la noticia" y que "se lo llevaron, lo empujaron, le dieron golpes".
"En todos los puntos, en todos los lugares, está la seguridad impidiendo que las personas salgan a protestar por la injusticia que ellos cometieron con Wilman", declaró.
HUELGA DE HAMBRE
Wilman Villar, de 31 años, falleció a las 18.45 horas del jueves en Cuba (00.45 horas del viernes en la España peninsular) tras permanecer 50 días en huelga de hambre en protesta por la pena de cuatro años de cárcel a que había sido condenado por sus actividades como miembro de la Unión Patriótica de Cuba y la resistencia interna, según ha informado a Europa Press el presidente de la Comisión Cubana de Derechos Humanos y Reconciliación Nacional (CCDHRN), Elizardo Sánchez.
Villar fue detenido el 12 de noviembre de 2011 y condenado a cuatro años de prisión en un "juicio sumario sin garantías procesales", ha señalado Sánchez. "Era un opositor activo, miembro de la Unión Patriótica de Cuba, presidida por el exprisionero José Daniel Ferrer (uno de los doce presos excarcelados por el Gobierno cubano que no aceptaron ir a España en 2011)", ha agregado.
Maritza Pelegrino alertó a primera hora del jueves de que la salud de su marido se estaba agravando a causa de la huelga de hambre y señaló que el último parte médico difundido a las ocho de la tarde del miércoles (dos de la madrugada del jueves en España) por el Hospital Clínico Quirúrgico de Santiago de Cuba indicaba que sufría una neumonía y que tanto los riñones como el hígado estaban afectados por una infección.
Villar fue condenado a cuatro años de cárcel por desacato resistencia a la autoridad y atentado. Sánchez ha manifestado que estas acusaciones "son frecuentes tratándose de opositores", y ha apuntado que, tras la sentencia, fue remitido a la prisión de alta seguridad de Aguadures, ubicada en el sur de Santiago de Cuba. Una vez internado, el 24 de noviembre se declaró en huelga de hambre "por considerarse inocente de esos supuestos delitos", ha añadido.
"La CCDHRN considera absolutamente culpable al Gobierno de Cuba por esta nueva muerte evitable de una persona que se encontraba bajo custodia del Estado. Además, el manejo dado por las autoridades ha acelerado el desenlace fatal, ya que desde los primeros días no fue tratado médicamente sino internado en una celda de alto castigo", ha dicho Sánchez.
En este sentido, Sánchez ha afirmado que Villar contrajo la pulmonía a causa de las bajas temperaturas y las "condiciones infrahumanas" en las que estuvo encarcelado. "Era una personas de 31 años sin enfermedades conocidas, que de pronto desarrolla una pulmonía", ha argumentado.
Como consecuencia de esta enfermedad, Villar fue ingresado en el Hospital Clínico-Quirúrgico de Santiago y se encontraba en Terapia Intensiva desde el 13 de enero. "Es un caso parecido al de Orlando Zapata Tamayo, con lo que se demuestra la actitud inhumana de las autoridades ante casos como estos", ha puntualizado Sánchez.
"Confiamos en que de aquí en adelante el Gobierno tome medidas para evitar tragedias de esta clase. Técnicamente existen todos los medios para evitar que alguien muera porque ha dejado de comer. Está el caso de Guillermo Fariñas, que estuvo seis meses de huelga de hambre, pero fue alimentado por vía intravenosa, como tiene que ser en estos casos", ha apostillado.
jueves, enero 19, 2012
Nota de prensa del Partido Liberal Cubano por la muerte de Wilman Villar Mendoza
P
Noticias llegadas desde Cuba,nos reportan
el fallecimiento del opositor Wilman Villar
Mendoza,de 31 anos,en el Hospital Clinico
Quirurgico,en Santiago de Cuba.
Condenado a cuatro anos de prision,despues
de ser arrestado por participar en una protesta
en Contramaestre,en la zona oriental de la
Isla,Villar se declaro en huelga de hambre el
pasado 24 de Noviembre,ante la injusta
sentencia,producto de una farsa judicial.
Confinado a una celda en solitario,se agravo
ante la falta de asistencia medica.Finalmente,
a las puertas de la muerte,fue hospitalizado
el pasado dia 13.Demasiado tarde.
La muerte de Villan se agrega a tantas y tantas
que lleva sobre su consciencia el regimen
militar de la Isla.Pedro Luis Boitel y Orlando
Zapata Tamayo lo antecedieron en huelgas de
hambre en protesta por las golpizas y maltratos
de sus carceleros.Sus muertes se agregan al
triste listado de miles de martires asesinados a
lo largo de mas de medio siglo de opresion.
Que haran ahora los gobiernos que se llaman
democraticos?.Que dira ahora la Jerarquia
Catolica en la Isla?.Que dira manana el Papa
Benedicto XVI,proximo a visitar la Isla?.Callaran
todos?.Miraran hacia otro lado?.El silencio
complice primara sobre el reclamo solidario con
el pueblo de Cuba?.
Cuanto tiempo mas toleraremos los cubanos las
golpizas,los abusos,la miseria,los encarcelamientos,
las farsas judiciales,el sufrimiento de las familias
divididas,los asesinatos?,cuanto tiempo mas
tolerara la comunidad internacional la represion
sistematica sobre once millones de cubanos?.
No es tiempo ya de que el Mundo apoye una
Primavera cubana?.Cuantos muertos mas se
necesitan?.Cuba merece vivir en Libertad!.
Gloria eterna a Wilman Villan!,Viva Cuba Libre!.
miércoles, enero 18, 2012
La descalificacion como arma del regimen cubano: El caso de Wilmar Villar
Nuevamente la descalificacion por parte de uno de los genizaros del regimen Manuel Henriquez Lagarde a quienes piensan diferente tal y como hicieron con Orlando Zapata Tamayo, ahora en el caso del opositor en huelga de hambre por mas de 50 dias Wilmar Villar Mendoza
Por cierto, de Wilmar no contamos con una foto a pesar de las cientos de camaras y telefonos celulares que tienen sus camaradas de la resistencia.
viernes, septiembre 30, 2011
jueves, agosto 04, 2011
martes, junio 07, 2011
miércoles, junio 01, 2011
"Una tumba sin nombre. Vida de Pedro Luis Boitel"
Tomado de Periodista Digital
Quienes estuvieron cerca del opositor cubano Orlando Zapata Tamayo durante los últimos días de la huelga de hambre que le condujo a la muerte, cuentan que gritaba "Boitel vive". Más que un lema, era el reconocimiento de un ejemplo que siguió hasta sus últimas consecuencias. Pedro Luis Boitel murió en idénticas circunstancias casi cuatro décadas antes. Falleció, también tras el mismo tipo de protesta en las cárceles castristas en 1972.
Todo un símbolo de la lucha pacífica contra la tiranía comunista de Fidel Castro, su figura ha sido investigada por el escritor, poeta y músico argentino Fernando Gril (Buenos Aires, 1979). Es el autor de Una tumba sin nombre. Vida de Pedro Luis Boitel, que acaba de publicar la Asociación de Iberoamericanos por la Libertad (AIL). Periodista Digital le ha entrevistado, para hablar sobre el libro, su protagonista y la lucha por la democracia en Cuba.
A partir de empezar a reconocer y aprender cuál era la situación de los Derechos Humanos en la isla, lo que eran los presos políticos, lo que eran las cárceles, lo que había sido la historia de esos cincuenta años de resistencia de mucha gente... la verdad es que apareció la figura de Pedro Luis Boitel, que inspiraba a mucha de la disidencia dentro y fuera de la isla. Es un motivo que quisiera leer algo de él y no existía, no existía un libro sobre él. Así que escribí el libro que hubiera querido leer.
Después fui viendo que detrás de Boitel estaba también la historia de todo el presidio político cubano. Es algo que no se conoce, que no se sabe. Es decir, detrás de los sesenta años de revolución hay sesenta años de resistencia, de torturas, de prisiones, de vejaciones.
Preguntado por la muerte de Boitel, Gril dice:
Es difícil reivindicar la huelga de hambre per se, porque uno dice 'al fin y al cabo lo perdimos a Boitel, o a Zapata'.
Pero por otro lado, la huelga de hambre es el coraje, la valentía, la decisión, la dignidad de una persona, que no dejan de asombrar.
Defiende que la lucha por los derechos humanos tiene que cruzar fronteras:
Yo pertenezco a un país que sufrió una dictadura atroz, con miles de desaparecidos, en complicidad con otras dictaduras de la región, con Chile, con Uruguay. Yo creo que el tema de los derechos humanos no es un tema de las nacionalidades.
Gril, que se sitúa ideológicamente en el centro-izquierda, dice que es difícil explicar en Latinoamérica lo que ocurre en cuba "porque enseguida se cree que es un planteamiento ideológico".
Y el problema de Cuba no es de izquierda o derecha. El problema es que es una dictadura, y la única diferencia entre una dictadura de derechas y de izquierdas es la mano con la que se violan los derechos.
Termina con un mensaje de esperanza:
Estoy seguro de que en Cuba hay un montón de tipos talentosos capaces de asumir un gobierno democrático.
lunes, mayo 30, 2011
miércoles, mayo 18, 2011
#Cuba - Opositor con la boca cosida concluye su huelga de hambre despues de 47 dias
El disidente Vladimir Alejo Miranda ha depuesto la huelga de hambre que comenzó el pasado 29 de marzo para reclamar al régimen cubano la liberación del contratista estadounidense Alan Gross y el respeto a los derechos humanos. Miranda tuvo que abandonar la protesta por una infección en los labios, que tuvo cosidos durante 47 días para demostrar que iba en serio, y por «motivos personales», según confirmó por teléfono a ABC el periodista independiente Roberto de Jesús Guerra.
«Mi familia me habló, mis hijos, mis nietos, parte de la oposición en Cuba. Vinieron hermanos a hablar conmigo para que levantara la huelga porque yo estaba muy mal», aseguró el ex preso político, en unas declaraciones difundidas por Reuters. Vladimir tomó esta decisión el pasado fin de semana en su casa de las afueras de La Habana.
Continuar leyendo AQUI
sábado, mayo 07, 2011
Bobby Sands remembered in Havana - Cuba
In an unofficial remembrance the Cuba regime remembered Bobby Sands who was a member of the Irish Republic Army [IRA] and die on a hunger strike like Orlando Zapata Tamayo but who was a pacific dissident killed for the regime.
FULL STORY
sábado, abril 30, 2011
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¨Saturno jugando con sus hijos¨/ Pedro Pablo Oliva
Liborio
A la puerta de la gloria está San Pedro sentado y ve llegar a su lado a un hombre de cierta historia. No consigue hacer memoria y le pregunta con celo: ¿Quién eras allá en el suelo? Era Liborio mi nombre. Has sufrido mucho, hombre, entra, te has ganado el cielo.
Martha Colmenares
Un sitio donde los hechos y sus huellas nos conmueven o cautivan
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