President Barack Obama’s pick for
the No. 2 job in the State Department repeatedly refused on Wednesday
to rule out unilateral action by the White House to ease U.S. pressure
on Cuba.
But the
official, Deputy National Security Adviser Tony Blinken, emphasized that
the government in Havana would first have to make progress on
democratic reforms and free imprisoned U.S. aid worker Alan Gross. The
comments came during Blinken's confirmation hearing before the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee.
“Do
you anticipate, during the rest of the president’s term, that there
will be any unilateral change” to sanctions on Cuba absent democratic
reforms, asked Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida, whose parents emigrated from
Cuba to the U.S.
“Anything
that might be done on Cuba will have to be consistent with the law,”
Blinken replied. He added, “Anything that in the future might be done on
Cuba would be done in full consultation” with Congress.
Rubio
tried again, noting “chatter” that Obama could try to change relations
with Cuba unilaterally before leaving the White House in January 2017.
“The
president has views on how to try to move, help move Cuba in a
democratic direction, to help support people moving in that direction,
and, you know, if he has an opportunity I’m sure that’s something he
would want to pursue,” Blinken said. “But it depends on Cuba and the
actions that they take.”
And
recently Cuba’s government has taken “actions in exactly the wrong
direction,” he added, noting that Havana was “unjustly imprisoning”
Gross.
Rubio came back for a third try: “The thing that concerns
me is that I haven’t heard you say point blank that, absent democratic
openings, we’re not going to see actions on the part of this
administration to weaken the current embargo and sanctions against
Cuba.”
Again Blinken deflected
the question, though he agreed Cuba would need to take steps before
there could be changes. “At least in my judgment, unless Cuba is able to
demonstrate that it is taking meaningful steps to move forward, I don’t
see how you move forward in the relationship,” Blinken said.
Advocates
of changing Washington’s policy toward Cuba cheered when Obama declared
at a November 2013 fundraiser in Florida that the United States had to
be “creative” and “thoughtful” about fostering change on the island,
“and we have to continue to update our policies.”
“The
notion that the same policies that we put in place in 1961 would
somehow still be as effective as they are today, in the age of the
Internet and Google and world travel, doesn't make sense,” Obama said at
the time.
But Obama’s last
notable unilateral move on Cuba came in January 2011, when he eased
restrictions on travel to and from the island. And top administration
officials say nothing will happen while Cuba continues to hold Gross,
who was sentenced in 2011 to 15 years in prison in connection with an
effort to create a communications network outside government control.
Obama’s
options for unilateral action are relatively limited. Lifting the
embargo of more than five decades imposed after Fidel Castro’s
revolution and subsequent turn toward the Soviet Union requires
congressional action. But advisers have suggested much more modest
steps, like increasing cultural exchanges, further easing travel or
dropping Cuba from the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism. In
foreign policy circles, speculation has run rampant that Obama is looking at steps he could take in his final two years in office to overhaul U.S.-Cuba relations.
In
the hearing, Blinken also indicated that the White House could live
with Congress attaching a time limit and restrictions on mass deployment
of ground forces to legislation formally approving Obama’s military
operations against the so-called Islamic State. Obama has said he wants
lawmakers to approve an authorization for use of military force (AUMF)
but has not explicitly specified what kinds of restrictions he would
accept.
The committee
chairman, Sen. Robert Menendez (D-N.J.), who has criticized the
administration for not seeking congressional authorization sooner, said
an AUMF should be limited to those “fighting for, or on behalf of” the
Islamic State, “should be limited to three years or some other
reasonable time frame; [and] should foreclose the possibility of a
large-scale, enduring ground combat mission that we saw in Iraq from
2003 to 2011.”
Asked whether
Obama could accept those limits, Blinken replied that “those would seem
to me to form a good basis for a conversation on developing a new AUMF.”
Blinken
also played down hopes that the United States and its partners would
reach a comprehensive nuclear deal with Iran by a mutually agreed Nov.
24 deadline.
“It's going to
be difficult to get to where we want to go. It's not impossible,” he
said. “But it is literally a minute-to-minute, hour-to-hour thing. I was
getting emails before coming here. As we speak, I can't tell you what
to expect.”
Blinken further
suggested that Obama might drop his objections to arming Ukraine’s
government in the face of Russia’s incursion and support for rebels in
the country’s eastern areas.
“The
question of defensive lethal assistance has never been off the table.
It remains on the table. It's something that we're looking at, and,
indeed, the vice president will be in Ukraine in the next few days, and
I'm sure that will be a topic of discussion,” he said.
At times, Blinken became a target for Senate frustration with the Obama administration.
Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Md.) declared that the White House had made a “mistake” by not sending Congress specific AUMF language.
Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.) scolded Blinken for saying the White House had “engaged, as you know, with you” on the AUMF.
Corker cut him off: “You have not engaged with me. That is totally untrue.”
Sen.
John McCain (R-Ariz.) was even blunter. After Blinken described the
administration as working with Congress, the former presidential
candidate shot back: “You have not worked with me on anything.”
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