Shadow Government/ José R. Cárdenas
Critics of current U.S. policy towards Cuba have
already begun speculating what unilateral changes may be in store for that
contentious relationship during President Obama's second term. By winning
the state of Florida -- home to the highest concentration of Cuban exiles --
despite implementing some initiatives in his first term that were opposed by
Cuban Americans in Congress, President Obama, in their view, can be aggressive
in further liberalizing policy without fear now of any political fallout
(although widely reported exit polls that suggested up to 48 percent of Cuban
Americans voted for Obama have been debunked by CapitolHillCubans.com).
Yet however the numbers play out in Florida, frankly it is no more
than irrational exuberance to expect any significant change in U.S.-Cuba
relations over the next four years -- that is, barring the deaths of both Fidel
and Raul Castro.
In the first place, the Cuban American bloc remains solid in
Congress. In the Senate, the formidable duo of Sens. Bob Menendez (D-NJ)
and Marco Rubio (R-FL) has been augmented by Senator-Elect Ted Cruz (R-TX) to
keep the administration honest on policy. In the House, anyone who
believes newly elected Joe Garcia (D-FL) is going to carry the banner of
appeasement is sorely mistaken. He favors family contact, not
overturning the embargo.
Secondly, critics have convinced themselves that if it weren't for
the Cuban American lobby, the U.S. would have long ago reached an accommodation
with the Castro dictatorship. What they refuse to recognize is that the
biggest impediment to any fundamental change in the relationship is the
absolute unwillingness of the dictatorship to undertake significant reforms
that would put pressure on U.S. policymakers to reciprocate with policy
changes.
That said, to contemplate any serious re-evaluation of relations
on the U.S. part as long as the regime systematically represses the Cuban
people - to say nothing of the continued unjust incarceration of U.S.
development worker Alan Gross -- and relentlessly continues to thwart U.S.
interests in international fora is just self-delusion.
Moreover, even in the space the administration thinks it may have
some flexibility on the issue -- expanded travel, supporting micro-enterprises,
and increased agricultural sales -- there are complications. The 1996
Cuban Liberty & Democratic Solidarity Act (a.k.a., Helms-Burton) is still
on the books and it states that anyone improperly using property illegally confiscated
from U.S. citizens (including naturalized citizens of Cuban descent) can be
sued in a U.S. court of law. While it is true that the "right of action"
has been suspended by successive administrations, the law still holds that
anyone using or accessing those properties is liable.
Will a U.S. administration sanction activity that might violate
the letter and spirit of U.S. law? For example, what happens when a U.S.
tour group traveling under a license as part of the administration's expanded
travel program entertains itself at a venue illegally confiscated from its
original owners? Or, what happens when a U.S. agricultural company sells
its products to Cuba and has to utilize a port, a dock, or otherwise come into
some contact with what U.S. law considers stolen property?
It matters little what anyone thinks about the matter; the law is
the law. I'm not a lawyer, but one has to wonder how long U.S. law can
recognize a wrong was committed against U.S. citizens without giving them the
opportunity to redress it. No doubt some creative attorneys are thinking
about the same thing.
So, advice to critics of U.S. policy towards Cuba is to re-cork
the bubbly. Absent any significant change in Havana, including the
earthly expiration of Fidel and Raul Castro, the Holy Grail of unilateral
change in U.S. policy is unlikely to be forthcoming. Their energies
should instead be directed towards convincing Cuban leaders to establish a
concrete rationale as to why any U.S. administration would need to re-evaluate
the relationship.
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