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President Kennedy with aides during the Cuban missile crisis.
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The 50th anniversary of the Cuban missile crisis couldn't have landed
at a more appropriate moment—the final days of a race for the
presidency of the United States. That crisis now seems part of the
distant past, but it takes only a recapitulation of the facts—the
photographs, the tape recordings, also the books and documentaries—to
drive home, again, how close we came, at the time, to destruction in a
nuclear war.
"We were very lucky," a commentator in
"Kennedy and the Cuban Missile Crisis" says. And that luck, the film
makes clear, had to do with the character of the man Americans had
chosen for their president—a view not unique to the filmmakers. It's one
shared by most historians of the crisis.
A chapter in the Military Channel's
miniseries "Commander in Chief: Inside the Oval Office," the documentary
makes potent use of the declassified audiotapes Kennedy had secretly
made. Only the president's secretary, Evelyn Lincoln, knew about the
device set up to record the meetings with his inner circle and the
military brass as they, and he, contemplated the grim choices before
them. (For a priceless compendium of the transcripts, along with
commentary, see "The Kennedy Tapes," edited by Ernest R. May and Philip
D. Zelikow.)
The drama had begun well before the famous 13 days in October 1962.
In the summer of that year, the CIA had taken note of a suspicious
number of Soviet merchant ships headed to Cuba, where, intelligence
flights revealed, missile sites had been set up—all only for defensive
purposes, the Kremlin claimed. By the fall of 1962, Kennedy and his
national-security advisers knew that the Soviets had, in Cuba, an
arsenal of missiles capable of reaching and destroying every sector of
the nation except possibly the far Northwest.
How had it all begun? The film provides an intriguing fragment of a
home movie and related commentary by Nikita Khrushchev's son, Sergei,
who offers an answer. He had, at age 27, filmed his father, who had
brought his top advisers to a vacation hideaway near the Black Sea to
plan the missile system to be set up in Cuba. It was his father's
belief, Sergei Khrushchev says, that Cuba was to the Soviets exactly
what West Berlin was to the Americans—"a small useless piece of land,
but if you do not defend it you will lose face." The missiles had been
designed as a message to the U.S.—do not invade Cuba.
The message the Americans took from those missiles, of course, was
that they should prepare themselves for the possibility of nuclear war
with the Soviets. There is nothing in the audiotapes quite so chilling
as the comments from the president's advisers, military and civilian, as
they contemplate—with as much professional poise as they can muster—the
outcome of a nuclear exchange with the Soviets. There is certain to be
chaos on the East Coast, says one. Another, in whom the possibilities
have begun to work their effect, is devoid of hope. Estimating what
would would happen to New York, he tells the assemblage, "You'd never be
able to put it back together again." More >>
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