domingo, diciembre 28, 2014

El régimen avisa a Bruguera que enfrentará consecuencias 'legales y personales' por su 'performance'

El régimen advirtió el sábado a Tania Bruguera que podría enfrentar "consecuencias legales y personales" por la  performance convocada en la plaza de Revolución para el próximo 30 de diciembre, a las 3 pm, informó este domingo la plataforma #YoTambienExijo en un comunicado. Al mismo tiempo, el régimen inició una ofensiva en las redes contra la artista.
El presidente del Consejo Nacional de Artes Plásticas (CANP), Rubén del Valle,  le mostró su disconformidad con la acción artística y le comunicó que "no apoyará la organización, divulgación ni los trámites legales para la realización de la obra El Susurro de Tatlin #6". En la reunión también estuvo presente el director del Centro Wifredo Lam, Jorge Fernández.
Tal y como avanzó Bruguera a DIARIO DE CUBA el sábado tras el encuentro, la artista reiteró ante las autoridades que "la obra se realizará" porque "es un aporte del arte al necesario debate de ideas en la sociedad cubana".
La artista informó a sus interlocutores que seguirá con los trámites legales necesarios el próximo lunes 29 de diciembre ante la Dirección General de la Policía Nacional Revolucionaria, entidad estatal encargada de otorgar los permisos correspondientes. Según la plataforma, Del Valle pronosticó "que [los permisos] no serían otorgados".
El funcionario, según señala el comunicado, solicitó a la artista no realizar la performance en esta ocasión porque según su opinión, "la acción impactaría negativamente en la opinión pública, en un momento inicial de negociaciones entre los gobiernos de Cuba y los Estados Unidos para restablecer plenamente sus relaciones diplomáticas y comerciales".
Propuso a cambio una performance cerrada en el futuro en fábricas o escuelas, sobre lo cual la artista no estuvo de acuerdo porque la intención de su obra es dar espacio a todas las voces en un mismo espacio abierto y no en el marco de una institución.
El encuentro sirvió también para exponer opiniones diferentes sobre el arte político y la función del arte en la sociedad. Bruguera defendió su concepto de "momento político específico", el cual se puede traducir como obra realizada para un contexto y coyuntura política determinados, indica el comunicado.
"Fue una conversación honesta y al mismo tiempo compleja en la que defendí mis razones por las que este es el momento justo para realizar la perfomance", afirmó la artista.
La obra, insistió la autora, abogará por el derecho de los ciudadanos a expresarse libremente, respetar la diversidad política e ideológica existente dentro de la sociedad cubana y sentirse dueños de su propio destino como nación.

Los regalos de Obama

Andrés Reynaldo
Si ayer los demócratas cubanos estaban solos hoy podemos conjeturar que vamos a seguir muy solos. Quizás por un buen rato. El restablecimiento de relaciones con EEUU puede haber asegurado la transición dinástica de la dictadura, que ya tiene posicionadas a su segunda y tercera generación en los puestos de mando de la política y la economía. "¡Ahora sí que ganamos la guerra!", exclamó Raúl Castro ante la Asamblea Nacional parafraseando a Fidel en otra lejana circunstancia. No tanto, Raúl, pero sí ganaste una importante batalla.
Por más de medio siglo, la renuencia de EEUU a aceptar la dictadura castrista marcó una posición condenatoria en la arena internacional. De esa raya en la arena se aferró la oposición interna y externa frente a las habituales  indiferencia de Europa y el compadrazgo de la mayoría de los gobiernos latinoamericanos. Un gesto político que servía de asidero moral. Esta vez, una ola (parece que es la ola del olvido) ha borrado la raya. En el momento de su decrepitud, los Castro reciben un segundo aire. Con las variantes propias de la época, Washington les ayudará a convertirse en los Somoza.
Corridas las cortinas, vemos el entramado. Más de año y medio de negociaciones conducidas desde la parte estadounidense por gente con muy poco conocimiento y mucho menos afecto por el pueblo cubano. En ese período Raúl definió el marco protector de sus intereses. Una ley del embudo sobre las inversiones extranjeras y la actividad privada que deja a la gente de a pie las desventuras del cuentapropismo y promete a la elite la vida loca del capitalismo salvaje. Todo lo demás es decorado.
El modelo raulista es de una represiva perfección cleptocrática. Sus iguales no están en las dictaduras colegiadas de China y Vietnam, ni siquiera en la mafiosa Rusia de Putin, sino en las dinastías postcomunistas de Africa: Angola , República del Congo, Guinea Ecuatorial, por citar. A diferencia de estas, cuenta en su fase de arranque con una amplia red de agentes de influencia, poderosos empresarios (algunos de ellos cubanoamericanos) y líderes congresionales en Estados Unidos. Cuenta, además, con el empuje de una exótica coalición: los grandes intereses de Washington y el ala izquierda del Partido Demócrata. Unos lavan sus crímenes en nombre del progreso y otros en nombre de la distensión.
Ninguneada por el presidente Barack Obama, la oposición interna gana, eso sí, el beneficio de la claridad total. Ya no puede llamarse a engaño. Todas las recetas que se le proponen apuntan a facilitarle tiempo, dinero y prestigio a la dictadura. Hasta la misma tesis de que Obama le ha hecho un regalo envenenado a Raúl es una invitación a cruzarse de brazos. El tren de los cambios pasará de largo por la estación del Estado de derecho. No veo a General Motors, a Caterpillar y al Chase amenazando con cerrar negocio por una pateadura a las Damas de Blanco.
En el exilio, la categoría de los celebrantes no permite dudas de estar viviendo un humillante y retrógrado punto de inflexión en nuestra historia, preñado de desmemoria, deshonor y codicia. Con todo, merecemos sufrir el ruidoso ascenso de esta comparsa de la esclavitud. Estamos enfermos del pusilánime prurito de ser tolerantes frente a un mal radical. Por eso les dimos un sagrado lugar en el debate y nos inhibimos de quebrar a sangre y fuego el diálogo con aquellos que cortan orejas y arrancan lenguas. Hemos sido así de mansos y obtusos que hoy son esos mercaderes de la reconciliación quienes se presentan ante el mundo como los legítimos representantes de una "diáspora" ansiosa de complacer a los verdugos de la nación.
A propósito de la visita papal que nuestra Iglesia Católica le regaló a Fidel y Raúl en marzo del 2012, el líder del Movimiento Cristiano Liberación (MCL), Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas, alertó sobre la inminencia del cambio fraude. Un cambio sin derechos para el pueblo, con la inserción de poderosos intereses que escamotean la democracia y la soberanía. Ah, y con el concepto de una "oposición leal", salido del taller de trucaje de la brigada de respuesta laica del cardenal Ortega. Cinco meses después, Payá fue asesinado. Triste hora para Cuba si al hablar de la decencia, la justicia y la libertad, el eco de los muertos se oye más alto que la voz de los vivos.

In Cuba's sea of classic cars, the truly valuable are elusive

A 1959 Chevrolet Impala car is parked in Havana on Dec. 23. For every hidden gem, there are thousands of beaten up clunkers, largely stripped of their original parts.
HAVANA -- Luis Abel Bango spent seven years searching for his dream car, a 1957 Chevrolet Bel Air. He finally found it on Cuba's far western tip, buying it off the original owner for $7,000.
"I went everywhere looking for what I wanted. Out in the provinces, central Cuba. I had to go to the end of the island to find this one," Bango said.
The black-and-white four-door had been kept intact by the original owner, complete with all the chrome bits such as the rocket-like hood ornaments that give a '57 Chevy its style and make it a collectors' favorite.
"The whole package was nearly complete," said Bango, although he still needed to take the car apart for a complete diagnosis and new paint job.
Around 60,000 vintage cars have run on Cuba's roads since before the 1959 revolution led by Fidel Castro, but finding a collectible of value is a challenge.
For every hidden gem, there are thousands of beaten up clunkers, largely stripped of their original parts.
Cuba and the United States agreed last week to restore diplomatic ties that were cut off after the revolution, when the tail fin was still a recent innovation in automotive design.
Under the rapprochement, U.S. President Barack Obama plans to remove economic sanctions imposed against the communist-run island. In a land of chronic shortages made worse by those sanctions, Cubans kept the pre-revolution cars on the road, using makeshift parts and considerable ingenuity.
Still, American collectors who envision a wave of classic cars coming onto the market will need to temper their expectations. Even if the U.S. completely lifted its trade embargo, a 2010 Cuban law bans cars being taken off the island.
More importantly, most of the vintage cars, the backbone of urban transit, have suffered heavily on pothole-filled roads and the repairs, although inventive, would turn off any purist.
Convertible roofs are often replaced with sheets of plastic and many original motors have been replaced with diesel engines because they are cheaper to run.
"What you see are a lot of cars that are just kind of rolling hulks held together with duct tape and chicken wire," said Lance Lambert, host of U.S. television show Vintage Vehicles.
Alejando Torres, a Cuban mechanic, bought a '57 Chevy with only 74,000 miles on it from its original owner 10 years ago.
In what would be sacrilege in the United States, he put in a Mitsubishi diesel engine because the old gas guzzlers are just too expensive to run.
Torres said he has turned down $50,000 for it, although in the United States the listed value on that car in excellent condition is $28,100.
"Maybe I'd sell it if I could buy a modern diesel car at that price," Torres said.
Under Cuba's one-party system, the new car market is tightly regulated and a brand new sedan costs upwards of $200,000. For decades, only pre-revolutionary vehicles could be bought and sold freely, which is why so many have stayed on the road.
The early 1950s Chevys seem to be the most common, though there are Fords, Buicks, DeSotos, Plymouths and Oldsmobiles. Occasionally a gigantic late '40s or early '50s Cadillac can be spotted.
"There are a lot of Americans that have the dream of finding the rare car in Cuba," said Bill Warner, founder and chairman of the Amelia Island Concours d'Elegance car show. "For the most part, the cars you see on TV are really pretty hacked up. You'd find better cars here in the United States."
Some cars from Cuba might have value as novelties but "for serious collectors the novelty will soon wear off," said Phil Skinner, a collectibles editor with Kelley Blue Book, which lists new and used car prices.
More valuable in Cuba
Lifting the U.S. embargo would mostly help Cuban classic car owners buy parts.
Most of the cars are far more valuable in Cuba than they would be in the United States. Not only have they lost so many original parts that collectors crave, but the old workhorses also provide crucial income for their owners.
As taxis, their famously spacious interiors can accommodate half a dozen passengers. Cubans squeeze in for the equivalent of $0.40, while tourists like to take rides in the spiffier looking convertibles for about $30 an hour.
In the United States, the '57 Chevy Bel Air is perhaps the most coveted, with its distinct tail fin, though Cubans tend to prefer the 1955s and 1956s. All three years make up the "Tri Five" models that featured tri-colored bodies and lots of chrome.
The Kelley Blue Book Early Model Guide values a two-door 1957 convertible in excellent condition at $86,200, though the right car can go for over $100,000 to the right collector, experts say.
Roland Franz Henning, a German living in Cuba, said he owns a pristine 1957 Chevy Bel Air two-door, painted white and baby blue. In one important detail, it is the version that does not have a post or pillar separating the front and rear side windows.
"There are only three like this, in this condition, in all of Cuba," Henning said. "It looks just like the one from the 1957 brochure."
Bango, a member of Havana's V8 Club, had a '57 Chevy in mind when he decided to restore an old car for the club's weekend outings. While the two-door versions are more valuable, he likes the four-door and after his long search found one without a pillar.
On Christmas Day, he went to see his car at the garage of his mechanic, Santiago Rodriguez, another V8 Club member who loves old cars.
The black-and-white body is mostly disassembled as Rodriguez methodically puts it back together. The project was stalled for several years while he gathered the parts he needed.
Bango wanted it to have extra power, so they are replacing the original six-cylinder engine with a 1970s-era Chevy V8. That would lower its value in the U.S. market but Bango says he would not sell even if it were allowed.
"I've been offered $27,000 for it as it is, all taken apart and not finished yet," Bango said. "There's no way I'd sell. This one is for the club. This one is for me."

sábado, diciembre 27, 2014

Mario Vargas Llosa: Cuba y los espejismos de la libertad

FERNANDO VICENTE
El restablecimiento de relaciones diplomáticas entre Cuba y Estados Unidos después de más de medio siglo y la posibilidad del levantamiento del embargo norteamericano ha sido recibido con beneplácito en Europa y América Latina. Y, en el propio Estados Unidos, las encuestas dicen que una mayoría de ciudadanos también lo aprueba, aunque los republicanos lo objeten. El exilio cubano está dividido; en tanto que entre las viejas generaciones prevalece el rechazo, las nuevas ven en esta medida un apaciguamiento del que podría derivarse una mayor apertura del régimen y hasta su democratización. En todo caso, hay un consenso de que, en palabras del presidente Obama, “el embargo fue un fracaso”.
La lectura optimista de este acuerdo presupone que se levante el embargo, conjetura todavía incierta, pues esta decisión depende del Congreso que dominan los republicanos. Pero, si se levantara, sostiene esta tesis, el aumento de los intercambios turísticos y comerciales, la inversión de capitales estadounidenses en la isla y el desarrollo económico consiguiente irían flexibilizando cada vez más al régimen castrista y llevándolo a hacer mayores concesiones a la libertad económica, de lo que, tarde o temprano, resultaría una apertura política y la democracia. Indicio de este futuro promisor sería el hecho de que, al mismo tiempo que Raúl Castro anunciaba la buena nueva, 53 presos políticos cubanos salían en libertad.
Como hemos vivido en las últimas décadas toda clase de fenómenos sociales y políticos extraordinarios, nada parece ya imposible en nuestro tiempo y, acaso, todo aquello podría ocurrir. Sería el único caso en la historia de un régimen comunista que renuncia al comunismo y elige la democracia gracias al desarrollo económico y la mejora del nivel de vida de sus ciudadanos debido a la aplicación de políticas de mercado. El fabuloso crecimiento de China no ha traído la delicuescencia del totalitarismo político sino más bien, como acaban de experimentar los estudiantes de Hong Kong, su reforzamiento. Lo mismo se podría decir de Vietnam, donde la adopción de ese anómalo modelo —el capitalismo comunista— a la vez que ha impulsado una prosperidad indiscutible no ha mermado la dureza del régimen de partido único y la persecución de toda forma de disidencia. El desplome de la Unión Soviética y sus satélites centroeuropeos no fue obra del progreso económico sino de lo contrario: el fracaso del estatismo y el colectivismo que llevó esa sociedad a la ruina y al caos. ¿Podría ser Cuba la excepción a la regla, como espera la mayoría de los cubanos y entre ellos muchos críticos y resistentes del régimen castrista? Hay que desearlo, desde luego, pero no creer ingenuamente que ello está ya escrito en las estrellas y será inevitable y automático.
Las dictaduras no caen nunca gracias a la bonanza económica sino a su ineptitud para satisfacer las más elementales necesidades de la población y a que ésta, en un momento dado, se moviliza en contra de la asfixia política y la pobreza, descree en las instituciones y pierde las ilusiones que han sostenido al régimen. Aunque el medio siglo y pico de dictadura que padece Cuba ha visto aparecer en su seno opositores heroicos, por el desamparo con que se enfrentaban a la cárcel, la tortura o la muerte, la verdad es que, porque la eficacia de la represión lo impedía o porque las reformas de la revolución en los campos de la educación, la medicina y el trabajo habían traído mejoras reales en la condición de vida de los más pobres y adormecían su deseo de libertad, el régimen castrista no ha tenido una oposición masiva en este medio siglo; sólo una merma discreta del apoyo casi generalizado con que contó al principio y que, con el empobrecimiento progresivo y la cerrazón política, se ha convertido en resignación y el sueño de la fuga a las costas de la Florida. No es de extrañar que, para quienes habían perdido las esperanzas, la apertura de relaciones diplomáticas y comerciales con Estados Unidos y la perspectiva de millones de turistas dispuestos a gastar sus dólares y de empresarios y comerciantes decididos a invertir y a crear empleos por toda la isla, haya sido exaltante, la ilusión de un nuevo despertar.
Me alegra el acuerdo entre Obama y Castro; me entristece si eso aleja la recuperación de la libertad
Raúl Castro, más pragmático que su hermano, parece haber comprendido que Cuba no puede seguir viviendo de las dádivas petroleras de Venezuela, muy amenazadas desde la caída brutal de los precios del oro negro y del desbarajuste en que se debate el Gobierno de Maduro. Y que la única posible supervivencia a largo plazo de su régimen es una cierta distensión y un acomodo con Estados Unidos. Esto está en marcha. El designio del Gobierno cubano es, sin duda —siguiendo el modelo chino o vietnamita—, abrir la economía, un sector de ella por lo menos, al mercado y a la empresa privada, de modo que se eleven los niveles de vida, se cree empleo, se desarrolle el turismo, al mismo tiempo que en el campo político se mantiene el monolitismo y la mano dura para quien aliente aspiraciones democráticas. ¿Puede funcionar? A corto plazo, sin ninguna duda, y siempre que el embargo se levante.
A mediano o largo plazo no es muy seguro. La apertura económica y los intercambios crecientes van a contaminar a la isla de una información y unos modelos culturales e institucionales de las sociedades abiertas que contrastan de manera espectacular con los que el comunismo impone en la isla, algo que, más pronto o más tarde, alentará la oposición interna. Y, a diferencia de China o Vietnam, que están muy lejos, Cuba está en el corazón del Occidente y rodeada por países que, unos más y otros menos, participan de la cultura de la libertad. Es inevitable que ella termine por infiltrarse sobre todo en las capas más ilustradas de la sociedad. ¿Estará Cuba en condiciones de resistir esta presión democrática y libertaria, como lo hacen China y Vietnam?
Mi esperanza es que no, que el castrismo haya perdido del todo la fuerza ideológica que tuvo en un principio y que en todos estos años se ha convertido en mera retórica, una propaganda en la que es improbable que crean incluso los dirigentes de la Revolución. La desaparición de los hermanos Castro y de los veteranos de la Revolución, que ahora ejercitan todavía el control del país, y la asunción de los puestos de mando por las nuevas generaciones, menos ideológicas y más pragmáticas, podrían facilitar aquella transición pacífica que auguran quienes celebran con entusiasmo el fin del embargo.
¿Hay razones para compartir este entusiasmo? A largo plazo, tal vez. A corto, no.
¿Hay razones para compartir este entusiasmo? A largo plazo, tal vez. A corto, no. Porque en lo inmediato quien saca más provecho del nuevo estado de cosas es el Gobierno cubano: Estados Unidos reconoce que se equivocó intentando rendir a Cuba mediante una cuarentena económica (el bloqueo criminal) y ahora va a contribuir con sus turistas, sus dólares y sus empresas a levantar la economía de la isla, a reducir la pobreza, a crear empleo; en otras palabras, a apuntalar al régimen castrista. Si Obama visita Cuba será recibido con todos los honores, tanto por los opositores como por el Gobierno.
No es para alegrarse desde el punto de vista de la democracia y de la libertad. Pero la verdad es que ésta no era, no es, una opción realista en este preciso momento de la historia de Cuba. La elección era entre que Cuba continuara empobreciéndose y los cubanos siguieran sumergidos en el oscurantismo, el aislamiento informativo y la incertidumbre; o que, gracias a este acuerdo con Estados Unidos, y siempre que termine el embargo, su futuro inmediato se aligere, gocen de mejores oportunidades económicas, se les abran mayores vías de comunicación con el resto del mundo, y, —si se portan bien y no incurren por ejemplo en las extravagancias de los estudiantes hongkoneses— puedan hasta gozar de una cierta apertura política. Aunque a regañadientes, yo también elegiría esta segunda opción.
Época confusa la nuestra en la que ocurren ciertas cosas que nos hacen añorar aquellos tensos años de la guerra fría, donde al menos era muy claro elegir, pues se trataba de optar “entre la libertad y el miedo” (para citar el libro de Germán Arciniegas). Ahora la elección es mucho más arriesgada porque hay que elegir entre lo menos malo y lo menos bueno, cuyas fronteras no son nada claras sino escurridizas y volubles. Resumiendo: me alegro de que el acuerdo entre Obama y Raúl Castro pueda hacer más respirable y esperanzada la vida de los cubanos, pero me entristece pensar que ello podría alejar todavía un buen número de años más la recuperación de su libertad.

MMA - Yoel Romero, Hector Lombard excited about improvement of U.S.-Cuba relations

Yoel Romero/
www.mmaweekly.com
President Barack Obama announced recently that the United States would restore full diplomatic relations with Cuba. The U.S. will open an embassy in Havana for the first time in more than 50 years and negotiations are ongoing about lifting the 54-year-old trade embargo.
The news came as a surprise to many, including UFC fighters and Cuba natives Hector Lombard and Yoel Romero. Both men defected from Cuba to further their MMA careers and are excited about the possibility of U.S. relations with their home country being mended.
"It's great news for all the Cuban families and everybody that is Cuban," Romero told MMA Fighting through a translator. "People from Cuba have a lot of hurt in their heart. Many of their family members have died crossing the Caribbean. It's very dangerous. I wouldn't want to wish it on anybody. Little kids crossing the Caribbean in canoes, they make up floats out of air mattresses. It's incredible. The people in Cuba are really hurt. This is really great news and could bring a lot of happiness to families living in Cuba. They could come here like regular people and not have to worry."
Romero, a former Olympic silver medalist for the Cuban wrestling team, defected to Germany in 2007. Lombard was an Olympic judoka for Cuba and defected to Australia in 2004. Both men still have family members in the country and hope for a better life for them.
"One of the reasons I didn't want to go back is it's painful," Lombard told MMA Fighting. "It's painful to see so much poverty. And me being OK, I wouldn't forgive myself. A lot of people are OK with it. They go over there and show up, show off and drive a nice car, have a lot of stuff, jewelry. I wouldn't feel happy with myself to go over there and show off in front of people and be OK with it. One of the reasons why I never went, there's so much poverty I wouldn't feel happy with myself. You feel guilty. I went through it and it's no fun."
Trade opening up between the U.S. and Cuba would certainly help the Cuban economy. And the ability for Cubans to emigrate freely would also be beneficial -- especially for athletes.
Hector Lombard/ prommanow.com
Romero and Lombard both believe there could be an influx of Cuban fighters in the UFC if that happens. There is a surplus of excellent athletes in the country, they said.
"If they are allowed to leave Cuba and come to the U.S., I think it'll be a great opportunity for a lot of athletes," Romero said. "It'll have to be their choice, but if they do make the choice, it would be a great opportunity for them. I don't know much about baseball, but in MMA there are better gyms here and better coaching. There's more room to grow in the sport. In Cuba, they are more limited and it is more difficult and different."
Both Romero and Lombard said they would look into the possibility of bringing family members over to the U.S., if those relatives so choose. Both of them enjoy their lives in Miami, a Cuban hotbed. Lombard does not paint a nice portrait of what life is like in Cuba.
"Imagine waking up in the morning and not having anything to eat, nothing to wear," Lombard said. "That's tough.
"I hope it helps the Cuban people. They've had a tough time for so many years. Trust me, it's no fun to live there, honestly."

Thousands of NYPD Officers Turn Their Backs as de Blasio Speaks at Funeral


PSB Satellite
Read at breitbart >>

'Noah's Ark': Russia to Build World's First DNA Databank of All Living Things!

Dahboo777

viernes, diciembre 26, 2014

Cubadebate "explica" porque Fidel no "reflexiona" sobre las negociaciones Obama-Castro 2.0

por boca de un plumifero "gallego" asentado en bolivia, empleaducho ademas de cubadebate, este semioficial portal del regimen dictatorial de la'bana, trata de tranquilizar a la opinion publica por la ausencia de pronunciamientos de la bestia de biran, en torno a las negocianes castro 2.0 - obama. 
observese que el intento de manipulacion de la opinion publica que puede leerse aqui >>, y donde se da por cerrado el asunto con el argumento lacayuno, acojonante y despreciativo de la ciudadania concluye con un "Acaben de entender que Fidel es Fidel".
la chachara no se realiza desde ningun medio de comunicacion oficial, ni se han producido expresiones en tal sentido por un kuadrazo de la nomenklatura, sino se que lanza desde un sitio semioficial por un extranjero radicado en un tercer pais.
no cabe dudas que el cagalistroso en jefe en algun momento nos endilgara alguna de sus reflexiones sobre el asunto, donde concluira que gracias al cambio climatico y la teoria de la relatividad, se han producido estos historicos acontecimientos, donde una vez mas y ahora definitivamente, el heroico pueblo ha vencido al imperialismo. a lo mejor hasta le envia a obama un pitillo de moringa para que se apresure en enviar turistas y creditos comerciales, que afiancen las posiciones de los pingalistas de biran.

Sharks tips: Companies That Will Benefit from Improved US Cuba Relations

InvestingTip

Kerry Speaks about Gross and Cuba


"El Sexto", Famed Cuban Artist Arrested, Transferred to Secret Police Headquarters

Famed Cuban artist, Danilo Maldonado, known as "El Sexto," was arrested yesterday (on Christmas Day) prior to one of his scheduled "visual art performances."

This morning, he was transferred to Castro's infamous secret police headquarters, known as Villa Marista.

Apparently, they didn't get the memo on President Obama's "deal" with Raul there.

El Sexto is known for his art, paintings and graffiti, with political overtones.

He has been arrested on multiple occasions and has had his art confiscated.

#FreeElSexto


The Pope's Cuban Blunder

By Nicholas G. Hahn in The New York Daily News:

Cuban dissident voices & Pope Francis’ deaf ears

The wives of imprisoned critics of the Castro regime deserved better

When Berta Soler met Pope Francis, it had been a long time coming.

Soler’s Ladies in White, a Catholic opposition movement comprised of relatives of jailed human rights activists in Cuba, had pleaded numerous times for a meeting with Pope Benedict XVI. He declined and visited the communist island in 2012 only to continue a policy of détente established by his predecessor, John Paul II.

But a short blessing by Pope Francis in March 2013 signaled a slight shift in direction — or that’s at least what Soler believed.

“We think a Latin American Pope is very good for us. Pope Francis knows a little better the problems that our peoples have, he comes from far down and he can help the people who are suffering,” Soler told the Italian newspaper La Stampa after receiving some papal encouragement.

If only Soler and her Ladies had known better. Last week, the Vatican confirmed that for more than 18 months, the Holy See had been working to restore diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba. The pontiff seems to have blessed the Cuban opposition with one hand, and the Castro brothers with the other.

Soler’s Ladies, Cuban exiles, and other dissident groups have long lobbied against new relations without any concessions from the communist regime. They aren’t as hopeful as others who say more U.S. trade with the Caribbean island may lead to more freedom.

The international aid worker Alan Gross’ release is perhaps the only Cuban concession — and thank goodness for that — but even so, it came as a small part of a lopsided prisoner swap.

“Democracy and freedom for the Cuban people aren’t going to be achieved by what Obama has given to the Cuban government,” Soler said in a post on her group’s website. In his announcement of re-establishing diplomatic relations, President Obama thanked Pope Francis for helping broker a Cold War-era thawing, saying his “moral example shows us the importance of pursuing the world as it should be, rather than simply settling for the world as it is.”

The President and the Pope may be settling for far less than they might think. Sen. Marco Rubio, a Catholic and son of parents who fled the communist paradise, denounced, warning that the move as “more than just putting U.S. national security at risk, President Obama is letting down the Cuban people, who still yearn to be free.” Rubio didn’t spare any words for his spiritual shepherd, who he politely encouraged to “take up the cause of freedom and democracy, which is critical for a free people — for a people to truly be free.”

The Argentine pontiff should know a thing or two about the church’s cause for freedom. When a military junta in his own country took power in a 1976 coup during what is called the “Dirty War,” Father Bergoglio was head of the Jesuits.

The future-Pope saw many of his priests and seminarians jailed and killed. Bergoglio is reported to have helped many flee the country and even met with the military dictatorship to save the lives of two imprisoned priests.

But those experiences may not have been on the pontiff's mind when he wrote personal letters to Obama and Castro or when he hosted delegates from Cuba at the Vatican.

While it might be fodder for sensational journalism, Rubio and other Catholics who make public policy shouldn’t have to correct their pontiff on foreign affairs. Clerics are spiritual leaders, not political ones. When prelates pretend to be diplomats, it dilutes their authority on issues of faith and morals.

Francis might have done one better by prodding the Castro brothers about their regime’s woeful human rights record. That would have been in a Pope’s wheelhouse.

And it would have been what Berta Soler deserved.

Hahn is the editor of RealClearReligion.org.

Obama’s One Hand Clap With Castro

By Doug McIntyre in The Daily Beast:

Obama’s One Hand Clap With Castro

There was really only one good reason to maintain the embargo: Trade with Cuba strengthens the Castros. So what, exactly, are we getting in return for Obama’s radical step?

“No cerveza, no trabajo” is about all I’ve retained from Brother Victor Serna’s Spanish II class at St. Mary’s High School.

Of course it’s been over 40 years, and that’s a long time to remember anything. But truth be told, I never came close to mastering the language despite my excellent grades.

I did not deserve them.

While I accepted every A- and B+ as a gift from the school gods, Brother Victor Serna was forever chastising me for slacking off from my “usual” stellar A/A+ efforts.

Brother Victor had taught my brother, Jeff, the previous year with far greater success. After years at the head of a parochial school classroom, he could no longer distinguish one blond Irish Catholic kid from another. I coasted through Spanish II on Jeff’s stellar effort.

What I won’t ever forget were Brother Victor’s periodic anti-communist tirades. His face a brilliant crimson, neck veins bulging and spittle flying, he looked like America’s most famous Cuban, Ricky Ricardo, after Lucy had pissed him off and left him sputtering in his native tongue.

A Spaniard by birth, Victor Serna left home shy of his 14th birthday and entered the monastery to become a Marist brother. By 1943, he was missioned to Cienfuegos, Cuba.

In 1950, Serna earned his Ph.D. from the University of Havana, where he had befriended a classmate named Fidel Castro.

By 1961 Castro had seized power and Serna publicly criticized his old friend for his regime’s barbaric suppression of individual and religious rights. This courageous act earned him a late-night knock on the door with orders for Serna to vamos from Cuba. He had 24 hours to pack.

He never returned.

It’s fair to ask exactly what we got other than the return of Alan Gross. Right now it looks like the diplomatic equivalent of one hand clapping.

“I do not believe we can keep doing the same thing for over five decades and expect a different result,” said President Obama as he announced his intention to undo the policy of isolation followed by the previous 10 presidents.

The prison camp island nation known as Cuba erupted in celebration.

Closer to home, the reaction has been mixed.

With the midterm elections safely in the rearview mirror, Obama is on legacy patrol.

The Affordable Care Act is safely embedded, with repeal unlikely even with a freshly minted Republican Senate. His executive order granting work privileges and immunity from deportation for millions of undocumented immigrants may be headed to court, but not any time soon. Now he’s taking a radical new approach to the hemisphere’s only Stalinist government.

It’s hard to argue for the continuation of the U.S. embargo of Cuba. If the embargo were effective, the Castro brothers would have been doing Love Letters with the Duvaliers years ago. We trade with China and Vietnam, so why not Cuba, right?

Well, here’s one big reason to continue the embargo: Trade with Cuba strengthens the regime.

The Cuban government siphons off revenue from nearly every business transaction in the country. Until 2011, barbers were employees of the state. While cruise ship companies would like nothing more than to add Havana to their ports of call, the people of Cuba will still be paid a pittance. The average Cuban makes between $20 and $50 a month.

That’s not a typo.

On the upside, we’re likely to get better jazz, slick fielding middle infielders, and an army of great mechanics.

Granted, we’ve been waiting for half a century for the Cuban economy to collapse.

It hasn’t. Not even after its parent company, the Soviet Union, took a dive in 1991.

Obama has latched on to the failure of the embargo to topple the Castros as justification to shuffle the deck. But does he really want the Castos toppled? If so he has yet to say so publicly.

What he has said publicly is an apology for colonialism, something we are not guilty of in Cuba. The only other thing he has offered is vague boilerplate about a more “open” Cuba in the future after exposure to “American values.”

But the blunt truth is that nothing we do will free the Cuban people as long as they are subjugated by a thuggish government modeled on Stalin’s police state. Our secret weapon may be the hardening of Fidel’s and Raul’s arteries.

Poverty in the Caribbean worker’s paradise is not the result of America’s embargo. It’s the result of decades of draconian socialism.

While the president correctly points out that the United States is the only country with an embargo on Cuba, he misses the obvious point: If the Cubans are free to trade with the rest of the world, why aren’t they driving Subarus and Fiats?

Canada, Mexico, China, Japan, Germany, France, and every other nation on earth does business with Cuba, but the people there are still driving ’56 DeSotos, and many lack Internet access and nearly every other tool of the modern world. The reason? Fidel and Raul Castro.

Obama’s gambit is not irrational. Insanity, after all, is doing the same thing and expecting a different result, right? But the president’s new policy is naive.

For all his gifts, Obama has had one consistent glaring blind spot: He’s a terrible judge of tyrants. The Castros are the latest in a long line of despots he believed he could negotiate with.

From Vladimir Putin to Hosni Mubarak to Bashar al-Assad and the Kim du jour in North Korea, Obama seems the last person to recognize the monstrous evil these thugs represent.

It’s fair to ask exactly what we got in the president’s bargain with Cuba other than the return of Alan Gross. Right now it looks like the diplomatic equivalent of one hand clapping.

While the days of exploding cigars are happily behind us, the iron grip of an intolerant despot has not and is not likely to loosen under Obama any more than it did in the days of JFK.

WaPo: As a Cuban exile, I Feel Betrayed by President Obama

By professor Carlos Eire in The Washington Post:
Talking with Castro

As a Cuban exile, I feel betrayed by President Obama

I am furious, in pain, and deeply offended by those who laud this betrayal of the Cuban people as a great moment in history.

My family and native land were destroyed by the brutal Castro regime. In 1959, as an 8-year-old, I listened to mobs shout “paredon!” (to the firing squad!). I watched televised executions, and was terrified by the incessant pressure to agree with a bearded dictator’s ideals.

As the months passed, relatives, friends, and neighbors began to disappear. Some of them emerged from prison with detailed accounts of the tortures they endured, but many never reappeared, their lives cut short by firing squads.

I also witnessed the government’s seizure of all private property – down to the ring on one’s finger – and the collapse of my country’s economy. I began to feel as if some monstrous force was trying to steal my mind and soul through incessant indoctrination.

By the age of 10, I was desperate to leave.

The next year, my parents sent me to the United States.  I am one of the lucky 14,000 unaccompanied children rescued by Operation Pedro Pan. Our plan to reunite within a few months was derailed by the policies of  the Castro regime, which intentionally prevented people like my parents from leaving Cuba. Although my mother did manage to escape three years later, my father remained stuck for the rest of his life. When he died, 14 years after my departure, the Castro regime prevented me from attending his funeral.

I am now a professor of history and religion at Yale University.

And I long for justice. Instead of seeing Raúl Castro shaking President Obama’s hand, I would like to see him, his brother, and all their henchmen in a court room, being tried for crimes against humanity. I also long for genuine freedom in Cuba. Instead of seeing his corrupt and abusive regime rewarded with favors from the United States, I long for the day when that regime is replaced by a genuine democracy with a free market economy.

The fact that I am a historian makes me see things differently, too. I earn my living by analyzing texts and documents, sifting evidence, and separating facts from lies and myths. I have been trained to read between the lines, and to discern the hidden meaning in all rhetoric.

While much attention has been paid to President Obama’s Cuba policy speech, hardly any has been paid to dictator Raúl Castro’s shorter speech, broadcast in Cuba at exactly the same time.

In his spiteful address, the unelected ruler of Cuba said that he would accept President Obama’s gesture of good will “without renouncing a single one of our principles.”

What, exactly, are those principles?

Like his brother Fidel, whose name he invoked, and like King Louis XIV of France, whose name he dared not mention, Raúl speaks of himself as the embodiment of the state he rules, as evidenced by his mention of “our principles,” which assumes that all Cubans share his mindset. Raúl claims that he is defending his nation’s “self-determination,” “sovereignty,” and “independence,” and also dares to boast that his total control of the Cuban economy should be admired as “social justice.”

In reality, he is defending is his role as absolute monarch.

Cubans have no freedom of speech or assembly. The press is tightly controlled, and there is no freedom to establish political parties or labor unions. Travel is strictly controlled, as is access to the Internet. There is no economic freedom and no elections. According to the Associated Press, at least 8,410 dissidents were detained in 2014.

These are the principles that Raúl Castro is unwilling to renounce, which have driven nearly 20 percent of Cuba’s population into exile.

Unfortunately, these are also the very principles that President Obama ratified as acceptable, which will govern Cuba for years to come.

Although President Obama did acknowledge the lack of “freedom and openness” in Cuba, and also hinted that Raúl Castro should  loosen his grip on the Cuban people, his rhetoric was as hollow as Raúl’s. He didn’t make any demands for immediate, genuine reforms in Cuba. Equally hollow was his reference to Cuba’s “civil society.” He made no mention of the constant abuse heaped on Cuba’s non-violent dissidents, or of the fact that the vast majority of them have pleaded with him to tighten rather than ease existing sanctions on the Castro regime.

But it was not just what was left unsaid that made his rhetoric hollow. Some of the “facts” cited in support of his policy changes were deliberate distortions of history that lay most of the blame for Cuba’s problems on the United States.

Among the most glaring of these falsehoods was the claim that “our sanctions on Cuba have denied Cubans access to technology that has empowered individuals around the globe.” The real culprit is not the embargo, but the Castro regime itself, which actively prevents Cubans from accessing the Internet. Cuba has been purchasing all sorts of cutting-edge technology from other countries for use by its government, its military, its spies, and its tourist industry.

If studied carefully, what President Obama’s artful speech reveals is a fixation on the failures of American foreign policy, and on his role as a righteous reformer. Moreover, the speech is riddled with false assumptions and wishful thinking.

Does President Obama really believe that somehow, magically, an influx of American diplomats, tourists, and dollars is going to force Raúl Castro and his military junta to give up their beloved repressive “principles”?

Dream on. President Obama knows all too well that the Castro regime has had diplomatic and economic relations with the rest of the world and hosted millions of tourists from democratic nations for many years. Such engagement has brought no freedom or prosperity to the Cuban people. He also knows that tourism has only served to create an apartheid state in which foreigners enjoy privileges that are denied to the natives.

President Obama’s disingenuous formulation of a new Cuba policy has been praised by many around the world, but will be challenged by the legislative branch of the government of these United States.

Thank God and the Constitution for that.

The American people and the Cuban people deserve a much better future and a much better interpretation of history than those offered to them in President Obama’s shameful speech.

Louis Zamperini: Unbroken at Sea and in a P.O.W. Camp, Made Whole by Christ

Lous Zamperini
“I was too busy staying alive to think about dying,” World War II veteran Louis Zamperini told his son about his ordeal lost at sea and then locked up in a prisoner of war camp.
The famous runner’s real tests of endurance came the decade after his experience competing in the 5000 meters at the 1936 Summer Olympics in Berlin, when he floated at sea for a month-and-a-half and subsequently endured vicious beatings by a sadistic guard nicknamed “the Bird” during two years in Japanese captivity. Luke Zamperini tells Breitbart Sports, “These were my bedtime stories growing up.”
Luke Zamperini’s bedtime stories become everybody’s silver-screen stories on Christmas Day through Angelina Jolie’s cinematic adaptation of Laura Hillenbrand’s Unbroken. The Zamp, owner of a record 4:08 mile as a collegian, retained exquisite timing long after he had hung up his track shoes. The Christian immortalized as a celluloid hero on Christmas, like the patriot passing days before this past Fourth of July, shows that death doesn’t kill a man’s timing.
It often replaces the substance of a man with a symbol. But the symbolism of a Christmas Day release of Unbroken makes it hard to miss the substance of Louis Zamperini. He ran the 5000 meters in the Olympics for a few minutes in the mid-1930s and suffered in a POW camp for a couple of years as Americans assumed him dead during the mid-1940s. He spread Jesus Christ’s gospel for more than six decades.
www.people.com
Like Christ, Zamperini lived past his obituary and figured prominently in a bestselling book. The comparisons don’t go much further for the life celebrated in the pews on Thursday and the one celebrated in the movie-house aisles. The former juvenile delinquent drank with zeal, hastily scheduled barroom boxing matches with unwitting, conscripted opponents, and projected the bitterness in his soul upon the world immediately following the Second World War.
“He was a vengeful man,” Luke Zamperini informs. “The Bird beat him mercilessly for over two years. My dad suffered from what’s today referred to as post-traumatic stress disorder. He was having nightmares of the Bird beating him that inevitably ended with him strangling the life out of the Bird.” Zamperini longed to return to Japan “to finish him off,” concedes his son.
Instead of squeezing the life out of the Bird, Billy Graham infused new life into Zamperini. “Hearing Reverend Graham speak reminded him of the promises on the life raft and in the prison camp that he had made to God,” Luke Zamperini tells Breitbart Sports of the violent and boozed-out postwar version of his dad. “He felt he hadn’t lived up to his side of the bargain.”
“His hatred for the Bird wasn’t hurting the Bird one bit,” son says of father. “It was destroying Louis Zamperini.” The bitter veteran put down the bottle and picked up the Bible. The sleep that followed the Olympian’s close encounter of the Billy Graham kind, his son explains, resulted in “the first night he did not have that nightmare and he did not have that nightmare for the rest of his life.”
Whereas others might have wished not to revisit the painful events, Zamperini used them for inspiration to start an outdoorsman camp for boys and to speak to groups about the force that saved his life. “He made a living talking about it,” Luke Zamperini notes. “He was a famous American athlete who seemingly came back from the dead. He was given the key to every city.” Holding in his war story didn’t work for Zamperini. Letting it out did.
Zamperini’s saga includes the highs of running in the Olympics and the lows of cleaning a pig sty with his bare hands. It’s an amazing tale of survival, evading strafing Japanese planes and capturing food on the raft with the primitive hunting tools available at the end of his arms. It’s more importantly a story, like the story whose beginnings Christians celebrate today, of redemption. In a life of service to his savior, Zamperini embodied the central message of his faith.
Louis Zamperini enjoyed a Hollywood ending. It emanated from enjoying a Christian life. Readers and now viewers of Unbroken marvel at the better-than-fiction quality to the miler’s tale of superhuman endurance. The story’s greatness surely stems from the protagonist’s awareness of the greatest story ever told.

Posibles consecuencias de la política de Obama con relación a Cuba

cubanalisis
Dr. Antonio Morales Pita
La reciente decisión del presidente Obama con respecto a las relaciones entre Cuba y los Estados Unidos puede tener dos consecuencias generales, es decir, el gobierno cubano procederá o no procederá a introducir cambios fundamentales en Cuba, ya sea en el campo económico, político o social.

El análisis se dificulta debido al alto nivel de asimetría de la información relacionada con las medidas que en realidad vaya a tomar el gobierno cubano. Nadie sabe cuáles son las verdaderas intenciones del presidente cubano por cuanto él tiene una situación ventajosa con respecto a los otros actores políticos participantes en el proceso. Pero esta situación se repite con respecto a la reacción que pueda asumir Obama ante las acciones futuras de los Castro.

Por lo tanto, existe una asimetría general de información entre los restantes actores políticos (o político-económicos), tales como el Papa Francisco, el gobierno canadiense, el Congreso de los Estados Unidos, el pueblo cubano, la disidencia cubana, y los cubanoamericanos. Adicionalmente, no se puede olvidar la influencia de la economía mundial, del cambio climatológico, incluyendo los desastres naturales, de los gobiernos latinoamericanos y, desde luego, de los acontecimientos imprevisibles como las variaciones en el precio del petróleo.

Existe una opinión bastante generalizada en los medios periodísticos en el sentido de que Obama ha dado mucho al gobierno cubano, mientras que el pueblo cubano y el gobierno norteamericano reciben muy poco beneficio de parte de Raúl Castro. La actitud del presidente norteamericano y la forma en que las transacciones han sido llevadas a cabo e informado al mundo podrían dar esa impresión, pero yo no estoy tan seguro de medir las consecuencias de la iniciativa de Obama en estos momentos.

Por ejemplo, si se analiza la influencia del papado católico sobre el gobierno cubano, se podrá apreciar que, como resultado de la visita de Juan Pablo II a Cuba a finales de la década de los noventa, el pueblo cubano recibió el permiso de celebrar las Pascuas por primera vez desde el 1961. El Papa fue capaz de vencer la impenetrable testarudez de Fidel Castro, quien cedió al “concederle” al pueblo cubano el derecho de creer en Dios.  El Papa Francisco ha sido fundamental en este difícil proceso de acercamiento entre los gobiernos de los Estados Unidos y Cuba, el cual de cierta forma fortalece el papel de la iglesia católica cubana. El lector coincidirá conmigo en que este Papa latinoamericano ejerce una influencia muy importante en el mundo.

Pasando a la esfera económica (en la cual el gobierno cubano sale ganando considerablemente), acceder al mercado cubano será conveniente para los hombres de negocio norteamericanos -tal como ha sucedido en China- y también para el pueblo cubano, que tendrá la posibilidad de ampliar su escaso nivel de consumo.

Debe tenerse en cuenta que las compañías norteamericanas han sido excluidas de la competencia con el resto de las empresas extranjeras en el mercado cubano.

Además, ¿cuál será la repercusión de este cambio en la política internacional de los Estados Unidos sobre sus relaciones con los gobiernos al sur del Río Grande? ¿Acaso no es conveniente para los Estados Unidos fortalecer su papel en una región que ha experimentado cambios políticos, que se ha sentido relegada a un segundo plano por los gobiernos norteamericanos y que ha creado tratados de libre comercio como Mercosur y el Alba para excluir a los Estados Unidos?

Recordemos que, después de la muerte de Mao, Nixon abrió a China las puertas de las Naciones Unidas y la inversión extranjera. Hoy en día China es el principal receptor de inversión extranjera en el mundo. Sin la ayuda financiera de los Estados Unidos, China no podría haberse convertido en una potencia mundial que ha jugado y juega un papel fundamental en el crecimiento del producto interno bruto mundial al tiempo que los países desarrollados (Japón, Europa, Canadá, Australia) han visto reducida su participación.

Uno de los principales argumentos que los gobiernos de Nixon y Clinton han esgrimido para justificar la ayuda a China era el mejoramiento de la democracia en la mayor dictadura del mundo. China continúa siendo una dictadura comunista, pero ¿es la misma antes y después de Den Xioping? En el 1989 el gobierno chino masacró en un día a más de tres millares de manifestantes protestando contra la inflación y el desempleo (razones económicas).

Desde finales de la primera década de este siglo ha crecido la oposición de los obreros chinos en los campos y ciudades del este y el oeste de China. Recientemente, Hong Kong experimentó protestas masivas ampliamente superiores a las de la Plaza Tiannamen.  Hasta ahora, que yo sepa, nadie ha sido asesinado. ¿Es lógico considerar que la iniciativa de Nixon hacia China no ha tenido repercusiones positivas en los Estados Unidos? ¿o que haya  sido un error de política internacional?

Un punto transcendental de divergencia en esta discusión multifactorial es si la decisión de Obama provocará cambios democráticos relevantes en Cuba. Tomando en cuenta mi experiencia de vivir en Cuba desde el 1959 hasta el 1996, así como mi conocimiento de la idiosincrasia cubana y como profesor de economía política internacional, he llegado a la conclusión de que la testarudez y la inflexibilidad entre dos oponentes políticos no conducen a la solución de conflictos. Debe existir algún tipo de compromiso para alcanzar algunos resultados que pueden tener lugar a corto, mediano o largo plazo.

Es un hecho indiscutible que la tensión entre los gobiernos de Cuba y los Estados Unidos no ha contribuido al derrocamiento de la dictadura de los Castro, a pesar de la Invasión de Bahía de Cochinos en el 1961, de la crisis de Octubre o Guerra de los Misiles en el 1962, la caída de la Unión Soviética en el 1991, el “período Especial” durante los noventa, el colapso de las industrias azucarera y alimenticia durante décadas, el deterioro de la economía venezolana, y los dos embargos (el externo del gobierno norteamericano, y el interno considerablemente peor establecido por las políticas caprichosas y anti-económicas de Fidel Castro). 

La economía cubana ha sido sistemáticamente destrozada por la incompetencia de sus líderes comunistas. El nivel de vida del pueblo cubano es extremadamente bajo. Mientras que la razón fundamental del derrocamiento de las dictaduras ha sido el deterioro de la economía, ¿cómo es posible que los dictadores cubanos se hayan mantenido en el poder por más de 55 años? Desde el 1959 uno de los pocos ministerios eficientes en Cuba ha sido el Ministerio del Interior (la KGB de Cuba).

¿Por qué la dictadura soviética colapsó bajo la influencia de condiciones económicas desastrosas? Un Sistema comunista solamente puede sobrevivir gracias a su carácter represivo, especialmente contra la prensa.

El comunismo ataca la necesidad eminentemente humana de progresar, de ser libre para tomar decisiones personales elementales, de viajar por el mundo, de expresar su criterio respetuosamente sin  poner en riesgo su integridad física;  por lo tanto, tiene que acudir a la represión contra todo tipo de rebeldía ante la privación de derechos humanos.

Mijail Gorbachov no permitió que el Ejercito Soviético invadiera a Polonia, Checoslovaquia, Hungría, o a ningún otro país miembro del bloque soviético.  Gorbachov permitió libertad de prensa, transparencia informativa, y propiedad privada dentro del  país. El quería reformar el comunismo, pero la eliminación de la represión precipitó su caída inevitable, por los enormes problemas socio-político-económicos heredados de la economía rígida y centralmente planificada de la economía durante más de setenta años.

En resumen, según muestra la historia, desde el 1959 hasta el presente, si la nueva política externa hacia el gobierno cubano no se hubiese tomado, no habría posibilidad de cambio en Cuba. Después de la decisión de Obama, visualizo un poco de luz al final del túnel.
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NOTA: La libre expresión de criterios respetuosamente expuestos es saludable y fomenta desarrollo de ideas.  Como profesor, aprendo de mis alumnos; como escritor, aprendo de mis lectores. Si alguien desea comunícame su opinión sobre este artículo, puede comunicarse conmigo a amoralespita@hotmail.com.

La finca de Fidel y Raúl Castro en 519 páginas

Del tema de moda ya todos hemos escrito, desde todas las posiciones, y algunos comienzan a repetirse. Tampoco me interesa especular ahora sobre por qué Fidel Castro todavía no ha dado señales de vida tras “su” victoria con los cinco espías frente al “imperio”, que ahora se llama “vecino del norte” en la cantaleta oficial. Volveremos a eso más adelante, cuando se disponga de más información. De manera que me echo a un lado de momento, y vuelvo al tema que trataba antes que el pasado 17 de diciembre ocurriera algo más que la veneración de San Lázaro por los cubanos.
El 14 de diciembre tuve el honor de presentar en el Primer Festival de Arte y Literatura Independiente de Miami el libro Cuba, el socialismo y sus éxodos, de Armando Navarro Vega, cubano de los buenos, que fue profesor en la Universidad de La Habana y reside en España hace más de veinte años.
La memoria de Armando Navarro es el hilo conductor del libro, que sin aferrarse a un orden cronológico de los acontecimientos recrea lo humano y lo divino de los ya casi 56 años de “revolución”, desde los temas más profundos y complejos de la fundamentación teórica del totalitarismo castrista para perpetuarse en el poder hasta la fórmula de los cubanos de a pie para fabricar desodorante casero en medio de las penurias y escaseces en que Fidel y Raúl Castro han sumido al país durante más de medio siglo.
No trate nadie de encontrar en este libro lenguaje rebuscado, innecesario academicismo, expresiones sofisticadas, o visiones sensacionalistas lanzadas desde una inaccesible torre de marfil donde se esconde el autor, sino todo lo contrario: con lenguaje sencillo —no simplista ni populista— se abordan profundos temas de la realidad cubana de manera que los lectores, cubanos, españoles o de cualquier nacionalidad, puedan comprender los mitos, pretextos y contextos de la Cuba de los hermanos Castro y la forma en que los cubanos enfrentan su tragedia y buscan y encuentran maneras de subsistir mientras los dictadores se consumen en sus fraudes y su propia salsa hasta que reciban la visita de la barca de Caronte, haciendo mientras tanto el mayor daño posible a una población que una vez creyó en ellos, pero ya no más.
Cualquiera pensaría que un libro titulado Cuba, el socialismo y sus éxodos, escrito por un economista, vendría cargado de cifras, tablas y cuadros estadísticos que abruman al lector, pero no es el caso. Porque lo valioso de este fascinante texto no son estadísticas, que no abundan en sus páginas porque no son necesarias, sino la peculiar e interesante interpretación de las realidades cubanas —que no se modifican con los más recientes acontecimientos— que Navarro lleva a cabo mientras da respuesta a un conjunto de preguntas que él mismo se plantea, entre las que merecen destacarse, entre muchas otras: ¿Contribuyó realmente el triunfo de la revolución a mejorar la vida de los cubanos?; ¿Qué aportó el socialismo y cuál es el saldo actual en comparación con el punto de partida?; ¿Por qué los cubanos permanecen callados y no denuncian los atropellos del régimen, incluso después de haberse ido del país?; ¿Hay cambios reales en Cuba? En caso de haberlos ¿cuáles son y cómo se manifiestan?; o ¿Es la legitimación de la dictadura castrista y el olvido piadoso de sus crímenes, la mejor hoja de ruta para instaurar la democracia en Cuba? Los lectores pueden pensar en estas preguntas y respuestas viéndolas incluso después de la anunciada “normalización” de las relaciones entre Cuba y Estados Unidos.
Basta con ver el título de algunos capítulos o acápites para darse cuenta de la diversidad de temas que se abordan: Una pacífica y reconfortante invasión de “mariposas”; El síndrome de indefensión adquirida y la banalización del mal; El socialismo es reversible; De la sovietización a la supervivencia; El angustioso tránsito entre el capitalismo y el capitalismo; Aviso: se buscan socios capitalistas para construir el socialismo; La farsa del cambio y el VI Congreso.
Si algo queda perfectamente claro en el libro es que, a pesar de toda la propaganda y los obscenos esfuerzos del régimen para confundir corazones y mentes, la única y verdadera gran transformación ocurrida en nuestro país con la “revolución” es que su población, nunca propensa a emigrar y que, al contrario, recibía sonriente a inmigrantes en la Isla, se haya convertido en una gigantesca masa donde la principal perspectiva o vía de escape o subsistencia para muchos sea poner pies en polvorosa y alejarse, cuanto más mejor, hacia cualquier punto de la geografía planetaria donde no gobiernen los hermanos Castro. El éxodo de los cubanos se ha instalado en nuestra cultura y nuestra sociedad tanto como el piropo, el choteo, el baile, la doble moral, la simulación, o cualquiera de los más sólidos y profundos componentes de nuestra nacionalidad.
Con este excelente libro de Armando Navarro los lectores podrán experimentar un cambio metodológico sustancial en su manera de pensar y razonar las realidades de los cubanos, la dictadura, y la Cuba de los Castro. Porque después de leer sus 519 páginas, el rechazo al castrismo y desprecio a todas sus fábulas, mentiras, justificaciones y falsas promesas, de ahora y de siempre, deja de ser cuestión de posicionamiento ideológico o instinto de libertad, para convertirse en algo absolutamente elemental, lógico, y aplastantemente necesario.
Armando Navarro Vega demuestra con su libro que el rechazo a Fidel y Raúl Castro no solamente es lo más decente y positivo que puedan hacer los cubanos, sino que es además lo más lógico y natural del mundo.
Aunque se normalizaran las relaciones con Estados Unidos.
Armando Navarro Vega: Cuba, el socialismo y sus éxodos. 519 páginas. Editado por Palibrio. 1663 Liberty Drive, Suite 200, Bloomington, IN 47403. Para adquirirlo, puede solicitarlo en ventas@palibrio.com

Cuban Cardinal Jaime Ortega Welcomes Renewed U.S-Cuba Ties

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Cuban Boxing Star Mike Perez On He Got Out Of Cuba Getting Caught

ESNEWS

jueves, diciembre 25, 2014

#YoTeInvito a Nuestra Plaza el 30 a las 3 #YoTambienExijo

YoTambienExijo Plataforma
La idea es conversar pacíficamente sobre lo que nos preocupa a los cubanos en estos momentos. Que estemos juntos dejando saber a los demás qué pensamos y por qué, en un ambiente de tolerancia y respeto. Que haya diversidad de opiniones y de temas a conversar y a hablar entre todos. Sería un honor que estés. El 30 a las 3 p.m. nos vemos en la Plaza! Otra Plaza, la nuestra! #YoTambienExijo porque #YoNoTengoMiedo

Intervencion de la poetisa Maria Elena Cruz Varela en el Panel «El intercambio cultural y el papel del creador exiliado»

Wenceslao Cruz

#Cuba "Yo también exijo" - NormiQueen

Normi Queen

Mayor Oil spills into Black Sea near Russian port after pipeline leak

By Maxim Nazarov and Gleb Gorodyankin
Seashore smeared with oil near Port Kavkaz/
www.dw.de

(Reuters) - A leak on a major Russian oil pipeline caused a spill in the Black Sea near the port of Tuapse on Wednesday where officials said stormy weather was hampering efforts to assess and respond to the mishap.
"Some quantity of oil has spilled into the sea," Sergei Proskurin, first deputy captain of the port of Tuapse, told Reuters.
He said the size of the spill was unclear and that emergencies services were working to deploy temporary floating barriers to contain the spill but were being delayed by the stormy conditions.
Tuapse is a busy industrial and oil port but is located close to many Russian Black Sea resorts. It is just 118 km (73 miles) from the town of Sochi which hosted the 2014 Winter Olympics.
 
 
Two Tuapse residents told Reuters they had seen oil in the sea and in a river along which the pipeline runs toward the Tuapse oil refinery operated by state oil firm Rosneft.
"I can see dark spots on the river... The sea is stormy. I can't say it is fully covered in oil but there is plenty of oil in the port and on berths, not to mention the coast line," said a worker at the refinery who asked not to be named.
Russia's emergencies ministry confirmed the leak but declined to comment on the size of the spill. Russian pipeline monopoly Transneft was quoted by local media as saying the pipeline was shut after the leak.
Rosneft said work at the refinery was unaffected as it was drawing crude from its stocks.

Germany Looks to Russia and China

It's complicated: Putin and Merkel in Berlin, June 2012 (Thomas Peter / Courtesy Reuters)

Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014 was a strategic shock for Germany. Suddenly, Russian aggression threatened the European security order that Germany had taken for granted since the end of the Cold War. Berlin had spent two decades trying to strengthen political and economic ties with Moscow, but Russia’s actions in Ukraine suggested that the Kremlin was no longer interested in a partnership with Europe. Despite Germany’s dependence on Russian gas and Russia’s importance to German exporters, German Chancellor Angela Merkel ultimately agreed to impose sanctions on Russia and helped persuade other EU member states to do likewise.
Nevertheless, the Ukraine crisis has reopened old questions about Germany’s relationship to the rest of the West. In April, when the German public-service broadcaster ARD asked Germans what role their country should play in the crisis, just 45 percent wanted Germany to side with its partners and allies in the EU and NATO; 49 percent wanted Germany to mediate between Russia and the West. These results led the weekly newsmagazine Der Spiegel, in an editorial published last May, to warn Germany against turning away from the West.

Germany’s response to the Ukraine crisis can be understood against the backdrop of a long-term weakening of the so-called Westbindung, the country’s postwar integration into the West. The fall of the Berlin Wall and the enlargement of the EU freed the country from its reliance on the United States for protection against a powerful Soviet Union. At the same time, Germany’s export-dependent economy has become increasingly reliant on demand from emerging markets such as China. Although Germany remains committed to European integration, these factors have made it possible to imagine a post-Western German foreign policy. Such a shift comes with high stakes. Given Germany’s increased power within the EU, the country’s relationship to the rest of the world will, to a large extent, determine that of Europe.

THE GERMAN PARADOX
Germany has produced 
the most radical challenge to the West from within.
Germany has always had a complex relationship with the West. On the one hand, many of the political and philosophical ideas that became central to the West originated in Germany with Enlightenment thinkers such as Immanuel Kant. On the other hand, German intellectual history has included darker strains that have threatened Western norms—such as the current of nationalism that emerged in the early nineteenth century. Beginning in the latter half of the nineteenth century, German nationalists increasingly sought to define Germany’s identity in opposition to the liberal, rationalistic principles of the French Revolution and the Enlightenment. This version of German nationalism culminated in Nazism, which the German historian Heinrich August Winkler has called “the climax of the German rejection of the Western world.” Germany, therefore, was a paradox: it was part of the West yet produced the most radical challenge to it from within. 

After World War II, West Germany took part in European integration, and in 1955, as the Cold War heated up, it joined NATO. For the next 40 years, the Westbindung, which led Germany to cooperate and pursue joint security initiatives with its Western allies, became an existential necessity that overrode other foreign policy objectives. Germany continued to define itself as a Western power through the 1990s. Under Chancellor Helmut Kohl, a reunified Germany agreed to adopt the euro. By the end of the decade, the country appeared to have reconciled itself to the use of military force to fulfill its obligations as a NATO member. After 9/11, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder pledged “unconditional solidarity” with the United States and committed German troops to the NATO mission in Afghanistan.

Over the past decade, however, Germany’s attitude toward the rest of the West has changed. In the debate about the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Schröder spoke of a “German way,” in contrast to the “American way.” Since then, Germany has hardened its opposition to the use of military force. After its experience in Afghanistan, Germany appears to have decided that the right lesson from its Nazi past is not “never again Auschwitz,” the principle it invoked to justify its participation in the 1999 NATO military intervention in Kosovo, but “never again war.” German politicians across the spectrum now define their country as a Friedensmacht, a “force for peace.”

Germany’s commitment to peace has led the EU and the United States to accuse Germany of free-riding within the Western alliance. Speaking in Brussels in 2011, U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates warned that NATO was becoming “a two-tiered alliance . . . between those willing and able to pay the price and bear the burdens of alliance commitments, and those who enjoy the benefits of NATO membership, be they security guarantees or headquarters billets, but don’t want to share the risks and the costs.” He singled out for particular criticism those NATO members that spend less on defense than the agreed-on amount of two percent of GDP; Germany spends just 1.3 percent. In the past few years, France has similarly criticized Germany for its failure to provide sufficient support for military interventions in Mali and the Central African Republic.

One reason Germany has neglected its NATO obligations is that the Westbindung no longer appears to be a strategic necessity. After the end of the Cold War, the EU and NATO expanded to include some central and eastern European countries, which meant that Germany was “encircled by friends,” as the former German defense minister Volker Rühe put it, rather than by potential military aggressors, and it was therefore no longer reliant on the United States for protection from the Soviet Union.

At the same time, Germany’s economy has become more dependent on exports, particularly to non-Western countries. In the first decade of this century, as domestic demand remained low and German manufacturers regained competitiveness, Germany became increasingly dependent on exports. According to the World Bank, the contribution of exports to Germany’s GDP jumped from 33 percent in 2000 to 48 percent in 2010. Beginning with Schröder, Germany began to base its foreign policy largely on its economic interests and, in particular, on the needs of exporters.

Increasing anti-American sentiment among ordinary Germans has contributed to the foreign policy shift, too. If the Iraq war gave Germans the confidence to split from the United States on issues of war and peace, the 2008 global financial meltdown gave it the confidence to diverge on economic issues. For many Germans, the crisis highlighted the failures of Anglo-Saxon capitalism and vindicated Germany’s social market economy. The revelations in 2013 that the U.S. National Security Agency had been conducting surveillance on Germans and eavesdropping on Merkel’s cell-phone calls further strengthened anti-American sentiment. Many Germans now say that they no longer share values with the United States, and some say that they never did.

To be sure, Germany’s liberal political culture, a result of its Western integration, is here to stay. But it remains to be seen whether Germany will continue to align itself with its Western partners and stand up for Western norms as it becomes more dependent on non-Western countries for its economic growth. The most dramatic illustration of what a post-Western German foreign policy might look like came in 2011, when Germany abstained in a vote in the UN Security Council over military intervention in Libya—siding with China and Russia over France, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Some German officials insist that this decision did not prefigure a larger trend. But a poll conducted shortly after the vote by the foreign policy journal Internationale Politik found Germans to be split three ways over whether they should continue to cooperate primarily with Western partners; with other countries, such as China, India, and Russia; or with both.

THE NEW OSTPOLITIK
Germany’s policy toward Russia has long been based on political engagement and economic interdependence. When Willy Brandt became chancellor of West Germany in 1969, he sought to balance the Westbindung with a more open relationship with the Soviet Union and pursued a new approach that became known as the Ostpolitik, or “Eastern policy.” Brandt believed that increasing political and economic ties between the two powers might eventually lead to German reunification, a strategy his adviser Egon Bahr called Wandel durch Annäherung, “change through rapprochement.”

Germans are split over whether to cooperate with Western partners or with countries such as Russia and China.
Since the end of the Cold War, economic ties between Germany and Russia have expanded further. Invoking the memory of Brandt’s Ostpolitik, Schröder began a policy of Wandel durch Handel, or “change through trade.” German policymakers, and particularly the Social Democrats, championed a “partnership for modernization,” in which Germany would supply Russia with technology to modernize its economy—and, ideally, its politics.

These ties help explain Germany’s initial reluctance to impose sanctions after the Russian incursion into Ukraine in 2014. In deciding whether or not to follow the U.S. lead, Merkel faced pressure from powerful lobbyists for German industry, led by the Committee on Eastern European Economic Relations, who argued that sanctions would badly undermine the German economy. In a show of support for Russian President Vladimir Putin, Joe Kaeser, the CEO of Siemens, visited the Russian leader at his residence outside Moscow just after the annexation of Crimea. Kaeser assured Putin that his company, which had conducted business in Russia for roughly 160 years, would not let “short-term turbulence”—his characterization of the crisis—affect its relationship with the country. In an editorial in the Financial Times in May, the director general of the Federation of German Industries, Markus Kerber, wrote that German businesses would support sanctions but would do so “with a heavy heart.”

Germany’s heavy dependence on Russian energy also caused Berlin to shy away from sanctions. After the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster in Japan, Germany decided to phase out nuclear power sooner than planned, which made the country increasingly dependent on Russian gas. By 2013, Russian companies provided roughly 38 percent of Germany’s oil and 36 percent of its gas. Although Germany could diversify away from Russian gas by finding alternative sources of energy, such a process would likely take decades. In the short term, therefore, Germany has been reluctant to antagonize Russia.

For her support of sanctions, Merkel has faced pushback not just from industry but also from the German public. Although some in the United States and in other European countries have accused the German government of going too easy on Russia, many within Germany have felt that their government is acting too aggressively. When the German journalist Bernd Ulrich called for tougher action against Putin, for example, he found himself inundated with hate mail that accused him of warmongering. Even Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Germany’s foreign minister, long perceived to be sympathetic to Russia, has faced similar accusations. The National Security Agency spying revelations only increased sympathy for Russia. As Ulrich put it in April 2014, “When the Russian president says he feels oppressed by the West, many here think, ‘So do we.’”

That type of identification with Russia has deep historical roots. In 1918, the German writer Thomas Mann published a book, Reflections of a Nonpolitical Man, in which he argued that German culture was distinct from—and superior to—the cultures of other Western nations, such as France and the United Kingdom. German culture, he argued, fell somewhere between Russian culture and the cultures of the rest of Europe. That idea has experienced a dramatic resurgence in recent months. Writing in Der Spiegel in April 2014, Winkler, the historian, criticized the so-called Russlandversteher, Germans who express support for Russia, for repopularizing “the myth of a connection between the souls of Russia and Germany.”

In crafting a response to Russia’s annexation of Crimea, then, Merkel had to walk a fine line. She sought to keep open the possibility of a political solution for as long as possible, spending hours on the phone with Putin and sending Steinmeier to help mediate between Moscow and Kiev. It was only after Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 was shot down on July 17, 2014, allegedly by pro-Russian separatists, that German officials felt comfortable adopting a tougher stance. Even then, public support for sanctions remained tepid. An August poll by the ARD found that 70 percent of Germans supported Europe’s second round of sanctions against Russia, which included banning visas for and freezing the assets of a list of prominent Russian businesspeople. But only 49 percent said that they would continue to back sanctions even if they hurt the German economy—as the third round of sanctions likely will.

Popular support for sanctions could slip further if Germany goes into recession, as many analysts say it might. Although German businesses have reluctantly accepted the sanctions, they have continued to lobby Merkel to ease them. And even as its economic efforts come under threat, Germany has made it clear that military options are not on the table. Ahead of the NATO summit in Wales in September, Merkel opposed plans for the alliance to establish a permanent presence in eastern Europe, which she argued would violate the 1997 NATO-Russia Founding Act. Put simply, Germany may not have the stamina for a policy of containment toward Russia.

PIVOT TO CHINA
Germany has also grown closer to China, an even more significant harbinger of a post-Western German foreign policy. As it has with Russia, Germany has benefited from increasingly close economic ties with China. In the past decade, German exports there have grown exponentially. By 2013, they added up to $84 billion, almost double the value of German exports to Russia. Indeed, China has become the second-largest market for German exports outside the EU, and it may soon overtake the United States as the largest. China is already the biggest market for Volkswagen—Germany’s largest automaker—and the Mercedes-Benz S-Class.

The relationship between Germany and China grew only stronger after the 2008 financial crisis, when the two countries found themselves on the same side in debates about the global economy. Both have exerted deflationary pressure on their trading partners, criticized the U.S. policy of quantitative easing, and resisted calls from the United States to take action to rectify macroeconomic imbalances in the global economy. Germany and China have, simultaneously, become closer politically. In 2011, the two countries began holding an annual government-to-government consultation—in effect, a joint cabinet meeting. The event marked the first time that China had conducted such a broad-based negotiation with another country.

For Germany, the relationship is primarily economic, but for China, which wants a strong Europe to counterbalance the United States, it is also strategic. China may see Germany as the key to getting the kind of Europe it wants, partly because Germany appears to be increasingly powerful within Europe but perhaps also because German preferences seem closer to its own than do those of other EU member states, such as France and the United Kingdom. 

The tighter Berlin-Beijing nexus comes as the United States adopts a tougher approach to China as part of its so-called pivot to Asia—and it could pose a major problem for the West. If the United States found itself in conflict with China over economic or security issues—if there were an Asian Crimea, for instance—there is a real possibility that Germany would remain neutral. Some German diplomats in China have already begun to distance themselves from the West. In 2012, for example, the German ambassador to China, Michael Schaefer, said in an interview, “I don’t think there is such a thing as the West anymore.” Given their increasing dependence on China as an export market, German businesses would be even more opposed to the imposition of sanctions on China than on Russia. The German government would likely be even more reluctant to take tough action than it has been during the Ukraine crisis, which would create even greater rifts within Europe and between Europe and the United States.

A GERMAN EUROPE
Fears of German neutrality are not new. In the early 1970s, Henry Kissinger, then the U.S. national security adviser, warned that West Germany’s Ostpolitik could play into the hands of the Soviet Union and threaten transatlantic unity. He argued that closer economic ties with the Soviet Union would increase Europe’s dependence on its eastern neighbor, thereby undermining the West. The danger Kissinger foresaw was not so much that West Germany might leave NATO but, as he put it in his memoir, that it might “avoid controversies outside of Europe even when they affected fundamental security interests.” Fortunately for Washington, the Cold War kept such impulses in check, as West Germany relied on the United States for protection against the Soviet Union.

Now, however, Germany finds itself in a more central and stronger position in Europe. During the Cold War, West Germany was a weak state on the fringes of what became the EU, but the reunified Germany is now one of the strongest—if not the strongest—power in the union. Given that position, a post-Western Germany could take much of the rest of Europe with it, particularly those central and eastern European countries with economies that are deeply intertwined with Germany’s. If the United Kingdom leaves the EU, as it is now debating, the union will be even more likely to follow German preferences, especially as they pertain to Russia and China. In that event, Europe could find itself at odds with the United States—and the West could suffer a schism from which it might never recover.


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Retratos de fusilados por el Castrismo - Juan Abreu

"Hablame"

"EN TIEMPOS DIFÍCILES" - Heberto Padilla

A aquel hombre le pidieron su tiempo

para que lo juntara al tiempo de la Historia.

Le pidieron las manos,

porque para una época difícil

nada hay mejor que un par de buenas manos.

Le pidieron los ojos

que alguna vez tuvieron lágrimas

para que contemplara el lado claro

(especialmente el lado claro de la vida)

porque para el horror basta un ojo de asombro.

Le pidieron sus labios

resecos y cuarteados para afirmar,

para erigir, con cada afirmación, un sueño

(el-alto-sueño);

le pidieron las piernas

duras y nudosas

(sus viejas piernas andariegas),

porque en tiempos difíciles

¿algo hay mejor que un par de piernas

para la construcción o la trinchera?

Le pidieron el bosque que lo nutrió de niño,

con su árbol obediente.

Le pidieron el pecho, el corazón, los hombros.

Le dijeron

que eso era estrictamente necesario.

Le explicaron después

que toda esta donación resultaria inútil.

sin entregar la lengua,

porque en tiempos difíciles

nada es tan útil para atajar el odio o la mentira.

Y finalmente le rogaron

que, por favor, echase a andar,

porque en tiempos difíciles

esta es, sin duda, la prueba decisiva.

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La columna de Cubanalisis

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]
¨Saturno jugando con sus hijos¨/ Pedro Pablo Oliva

Seguidores

Carta desde la carcel de Fidel Castro Ruz

“…después de todo, para mí la cárcel es un buen descanso, que sólo tiene de malo el que es obligatorio. Leo mucho y estudio mucho. Parece increíble, las horas pasan como si fuesen minutos y yo, que soy de temperamento intranquilo, me paso el día leyendo, apenas sin moverme para nada. La correspondencia llega normalmente…”

“…Como soy cocinero, de vez en cuando me entretengo preparando algún pisto. Hace poco me mandó mi hermana desde Oriente un pequeño jamón y preparé un bisté con jalea de guayaba. También preparo spaghettis de vez en cuando, de distintas formas, inventadas todas por mí; o bien tortilla de queso. ¡Ah! ¡Qué bien me quedan! por supuesto, que el repertorio no se queda ahí. Cuelo también café que me queda muy sabroso”.
“…En cuanto a fumar, en estos días pasados he estado rico: una caja de tabacos H. Upman del doctor Miró Cardona, dos cajas muy buenas de mi hermano Ramón….”.
“Me voy a cenar: spaghettis con calamares, bombones italianos de postre, café acabadito de colar y después un H. Upman #4. ¿No me envidias?”.
“…Me cuidan, me cuidan un poquito entre todos. No le hacen caso a uno, siempre estoy peleando para que no me manden nada. Cuando cojo el sol por la mañana en shorts y siento el aire de mar, me parece que estoy en una playa… ¡Me van a hacer creer que estoy de vacaciones! ¿Qué diría Carlos Marx de semejantes revolucionarios?”.

Quotes

¨La patria es dicha de todos, y dolor de todos, y cielo para todos, y no feudo ni capellaní­a de nadie¨ - Marti

"No temas ni a la prision, ni a la pobreza, ni a la muerte. Teme al miedo"
-
Giacomo Leopardi

¨Por eso es muy importante, Vicky, hijo mío, que recuerdes siempre para qué sirve la cabeza: para atravesar paredes¨Halvar de Flake [El vikingo]

"Como no me he preocupado de nacer, no me preocupo de morir" - Lorca

"Al final, no os preguntarán qué habéis sabido, sino qué habéis hecho" - Jean de Gerson

"Si queremos que todo siga como está, es necesario que todo cambie" - Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa

"Todo hombre paga su grandeza con muchas pequeñeces, su victoria con muchas derrotas, su riqueza con múltiples quiebras" - Giovanni Papini


"Life is what happens while you are busy making other plans" - John Lennon

"Habla bajo, lleva siempre un gran palo y llegarás lejos" - Proverbio Africano

"No hay medicina para el miedo" - Proverbio escoces

"El supremo arte de la guerra es doblegar al enemigo sin luchar"
- Sun Tzu

"You do not really understand something unless you can explain it to your grandmother" - Albert Einstein

"It is inaccurate to say I hate everything. I am strongly in favor of common sense, common honesty, and common decency. This makes me forever ineligible for public office" - H. L. Menken

"I swore never to be silent whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation. We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented" - Elie Wiesel

"Stay hungry, stay foolish" -
Steve Jobs

"If you put the federal government in charge of the Sahara Desert , in five years ther'ed be a shortage of sand" - Milton Friedman

"The tragedy of modern man is not that he knows less and less about the meaning of his own life, but that it bothers him less and less" - Vaclav Havel

"No se puede controlar el resultado, pero si lo que uno haga para alcanzarlo" -
Vitor Belfort [MMA Fighter]

Liborio

Liborio
A la puerta de la gloria está San Pedro sentado y ve llegar a su lado a un hombre de cierta historia. No consigue hacer memoria y le pregunta con celo: ¿Quién eras allá en el suelo? Era Liborio mi nombre. Has sufrido mucho, hombre, entra, te has ganado el cielo.

Para Raul Castro

Cuba ocupa el penultimo lugar en el mundo en libertad economica solo superada por Corea del Norte.

Cuba ocupa el lugar 147 entre 153 paises evaluados en "Democracia, Mercado y Transparencia 2007"

Cuando vinieron

Cuando vinieron a buscar a los comunistas, Callé: yo no soy comunista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los sindicalistas, Callé: yo no soy sindicalista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los judíos, Callé: yo no soy judío. Cuando vinieron a buscar a los católicos, Callé: yo no soy “tan católico”.
Cuando vinieron a buscarme a mí, Callé: no había quien me escuchara.

Reverendo Martin Niemöller

Martha Colmenares

Martha Colmenares
Un sitio donde los hechos y sus huellas nos conmueven o cautivan
Bloggers Unite

CUBA LLORA Y EL MUNDO Y NOSOTROS NO ESCUCHAMOS

Donde esta el Mundo, donde los Democratas, donde los Liberales? El pueblo de Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan los Green, los Socialdemocratas, los Ricos y los Pobres, los Con Voz y Sin Voz? Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan el Jet Set, los Reyes y Principes, Patricios y Plebeyos? Cuba desesperada clama por solidaridad.
Donde Bob Dylan, donde Martin Luther King, donde Hollywood y sus estrellas? Donde la Middle Class democrata y conservadora, o acaso tambien liberal a ratos? Y Gandhi? Y el Dios de Todos?
Donde los Santos y Virgenes; los Dioses de Cristianos, Protestantes, Musulmanes, Budistas, Testigos de Jehova y Adventistas del Septimo Dia. Donde estan Ochun y todas las deidades del Panteon Yoruba que no acuden a nuestro llanto? Donde Juan Pablo II que no exige mas que Cuba se abra al Mundo y que el Mundo se abra a Cuba?
Que hacen ahora mismo Alberto de Monaco y el Principe Felipe que no los escuchamos? Donde Madonna, donde Angelina Jolie y sus adoptados around de world; o nos hara falta un Brando erguido en un Oscar por Cuba? Donde Sean Penn?
Donde esta la Aristocracia Obrera y los Obreros menos Aristocraticos, donde los Working Class que no estan junto a un pueblo que lanquidece, sufre y llora por la ignominia?
Que hacen ahora mismo Zapatero y Rajoy que no los escuchamos, y Harper y Dion, e Hillary y Obama; donde McCain que no los escuchamos? Y los muertos? Y los que estan muriendo? Y los que van a morir? Y los que se lanzan desesperados al mar?
Donde estan el minero cantabrico o el pescador de percebes gijonese? Los Canarios donde estan? A los africanos no los oimos, y a los australianos con su acento de hombres duros tampoco. Y aquellos chinos milenarios de Canton que fundaron raices eternas en la Isla? Y que de la Queen Elizabeth y los Lords y Gentlemen? Que hace ahora mismo el combativo Principe Harry que no lo escuchamos?
Donde los Rockefellers? Donde los Duponts? Donde Kate Moss? Donde el Presidente de la ONU? Y Solana donde esta? Y los Generales y Doctores? Y los Lam y los Fabelo, y los Sivio y los Fito Paez?
Y que de Canseco y Miñoso? Y de los veteranos de Bahia de Cochinos y de los balseros y de los recien llegados? Y Carlos Otero y Susana Perez? Y el Bola, y Pancho Cespedes? Y YO y TU?
Y todos nosotros que estamos aqui y alla rumiando frustaciones y resquemores, envidias y sinsabores; autoelogios y nostalgias, en tanto Louis Michel comulga con Perez Roque mientras Biscet y una NACION lanquidecen?
Donde Maceo, donde Marti; donde aquel Villena con su carga para matar bribones?
Cuba llora y clama y el Mundo NO ESCUCHA!!!

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