Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Union Sovietica. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Union Sovietica. Mostrar todas las entradas

martes, noviembre 20, 2012

Espia George Blake celebra su 90 aniversario en Moscu

ElPais.com/ 
En el manual del buen espía hay reglas no escritas que son de obligado cumplimiento, incluso para los jubilados. Entre ellas, por supuesto, está la discreción, tener un ego medido y nada de juegos con la prensa, por si acaso. Sin embargo, a determinadas edades y con algunos personajes se permiten excepciones, como en el caso de George Blake, el famoso agente del MI6 británico que se pasó al KGB en los años cincuenta y entregó a Moscú importantes secretos de inteligencia. Su “traición” más memorable fue el informe que dio sobre el túnel que construían los americanos en Berlín para espiar las comunicaciones de rusos y alemanes del Este, lo que permitió su desmantelamiento. Blake también entregó listas de nombres de agentes dobles soviéticos que trabajaban para Occidente y una nómina de 400 espías británicos, algunos de los cuales fueron detenidos y ejecutados.
El pasado 11 de noviembre, este espía de leyenda cumplió 90 años y lo celebró tranquilamente en la dacha en que vive a las afueras de Moscú. Para ser un ex agente secreto, lo hizo de un modo singular: se sentó en un sofá, encendió la televisión y vio el documental sobre su vida que ese día transmitió Zvezda, el canal de las Fuerzas Armadas rusas. El mismo domingo, en otro hecho nada usual, recibió la felicitación pública del presidente Vladímir Putin, exmiembro del KGB y director de su institución sucesora, que dio a Blake tratamiento de héroe por los servicios prestados al Kremlin.
Georgi Ivánovich —ese fue el nombre que adoptó Blake al refugiarse en la URSS, luego de su fuga de una cárcel británica en 1966— aparece en el documental dando un paseo por su casa de campo con su esposa, Ida, y un perrito. Con aparente buena salud pese a su edad, el doble agente recordó ante las cámaras la operación del túnel de Berlín y otras aventuras de aquellos años de dentelladas encubiertas entre las potencias. “Soy un hombre feliz; tuve mucha suerte, una suerte excepcional”, declaró hace días Blake al diario oficial Rossiskaia Gazeta, en otra entrevista en la que reiteró no tener cargo de conciencia alguno.
Y con un lenguaje digno de la era soviética, Putin expresó así su reconocimiento al espía: “Usted pertenece con todo derecho a la pléyade de profesionales brillantes, hombres fuertes y valientes”, que realizaron con su “trabajo invisible” una “importante contribución a la paz al asegurar el equilibrio estratégico” en la época de la guerra fría. El mandatario no los mencionó, pero en esa “pléyade de hombres valerosos” también estaban otros famosos agentes dobles, como Kim Philby o Donald MacLean, integrantes del quinteto de Cambridge, quienes escaparon a la URSS tras ser descubiertos.

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lunes, octubre 29, 2012

Cuando EEUU freno el expansionismo sovietico-chino

Juan Abreu
fullbook.com.ar
Llego a la Guerra de Corea. Mao quiere la guerra porque así se asegurará la ayuda de Stalin para crear una infraestructura bélica que convierta a China en una gran potencia militar. Para Stalin “el principal aliciente de esta guerra era que los chinos, con sus inmensos efectivos militares, que Mao se mostraba impaciente por utilizar, podían ser capaces de eliminar, o en cualquier caso mantener ocupados, a un número tal de soldados estadounidenses que el equilibrio de poder podía inclinarse a favor de Stalin y permitirle hacer realidad sus planes, que incluían apoderarse de varios países europeos, entre ellos Alemania, España e Italia.”
Hubo un momento, en que Stalin consideró la posibilidad de atacar desde el aire a la flota estadounidense que se encontraba en alta mar, en septiembre de 1950. En octubre, Stalin le comenta a Mao que “la coyuntura constituía una oportunidad única (y fugaz), dado que dos de los países capitalistas más importantes, Alemania y Japón, estaban militarmente fuera de circulación.”
Mientras debatían sobre la posibilidad de desatar la Tercera Guerra Mundial, Stalin reflexionó: “¿Deberíamos temerla? En mi opinión, no… Si es inevitable que haya una guerra, librémosla ahora y no dentro de unos cuantos años”.
Voy leyendo como estos dos asesinos comunistas ( Kim Il Sung no es más que un títere) arman la trama cuyo objetivo es convertir la mayor parte del planeta en un enorme campo de concentración.
Y entonces, se produce un momento de gran belleza y magnífico esplendor humano e histórico. El momento en que lo único que se interpone en el camino del esclavismo comunista mundial son los soldados de Estados Unidos de América que desembarcan en Inchon, justo por debajo del paralelo 38, cortando el paso al ejército norcoreano y al ejército chino.
Detengo la lectura y dedico un emocionado momento a recordar y agradecer a esos muchachos que combatieron y murieron en defensa de nuestra libertad.
Y después de esto naturalmente me produce un desprecio aún mayor el antiamericanismo español.

jueves, octubre 11, 2012

Inside the Oval Office: Kennedy and the Cuban Missile Crisis

image
Popperfoto/Getty Images
President Kennedy with aides during the Cuban missile crisis.
Añadir leyenda
The 50th anniversary of the Cuban missile crisis couldn't have landed at a more appropriate moment—the final days of a race for the presidency of the United States. That crisis now seems part of the distant past, but it takes only a recapitulation of the facts—the photographs, the tape recordings, also the books and documentaries—to drive home, again, how close we came, at the time, to destruction in a nuclear war.

"We were very lucky," a commentator in "Kennedy and the Cuban Missile Crisis" says. And that luck, the film makes clear, had to do with the character of the man Americans had chosen for their president—a view not unique to the filmmakers. It's one shared by most historians of the crisis.
A chapter in the Military Channel's miniseries "Commander in Chief: Inside the Oval Office," the documentary makes potent use of the declassified audiotapes Kennedy had secretly made. Only the president's secretary, Evelyn Lincoln, knew about the device set up to record the meetings with his inner circle and the military brass as they, and he, contemplated the grim choices before them. (For a priceless compendium of the transcripts, along with commentary, see "The Kennedy Tapes," edited by Ernest R. May and Philip D. Zelikow.)
The drama had begun well before the famous 13 days in October 1962. In the summer of that year, the CIA had taken note of a suspicious number of Soviet merchant ships headed to Cuba, where, intelligence flights revealed, missile sites had been set up—all only for defensive purposes, the Kremlin claimed. By the fall of 1962, Kennedy and his national-security advisers knew that the Soviets had, in Cuba, an arsenal of missiles capable of reaching and destroying every sector of the nation except possibly the far Northwest.
How had it all begun? The film provides an intriguing fragment of a home movie and related commentary by Nikita Khrushchev's son, Sergei, who offers an answer. He had, at age 27, filmed his father, who had brought his top advisers to a vacation hideaway near the Black Sea to plan the missile system to be set up in Cuba. It was his father's belief, Sergei Khrushchev says, that Cuba was to the Soviets exactly what West Berlin was to the Americans—"a small useless piece of land, but if you do not defend it you will lose face." The missiles had been designed as a message to the U.S.—do not invade Cuba.
The message the Americans took from those missiles, of course, was that they should prepare themselves for the possibility of nuclear war with the Soviets. There is nothing in the audiotapes quite so chilling as the comments from the president's advisers, military and civilian, as they contemplate—with as much professional poise as they can muster—the outcome of a nuclear exchange with the Soviets. There is certain to be chaos on the East Coast, says one. Another, in whom the possibilities have begun to work their effect, is devoid of hope. Estimating what would would happen to New York, he tells the assemblage, "You'd never be able to put it back together again."  More >>

martes, octubre 09, 2012

Auge y decadencia de la actividad exterior del castrismo (I)

Cubanálisis El Think-Tank

Juan Benemelis y Eugenio Yáñez/
La baja prioridad estratégico-militar que África y América Latina tenían tradicionalmente para los Estados Unidos influyó en que este país no respondiera en toda su dimensión a los problemas que le planteaba Cuba. La incapacidad de Occidente para una respuesta de acción rápida en el área convencional pesó tanto como la pérdida de terreno ante Pekín, la guerra del petróleo, el ascenso político internacional de los estados africanos y la escasa importancia que Washington prestó a tal fenómeno. Todos estos factores se dejaron sentir cuando la URSS y Cuba llevaron a cabo la campaña angolano-etíope, la afgana, la salvadoreña, la de Namibia y la de Yemen del Sur.

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miércoles, octubre 03, 2012

Cuban Missile Crisis: The ‘megadeaths’ that weren’t

Underwood Archives/Getty Images
Underwood Archives/Getty ImagesA kindergarten teacher coaches a group of children to duck and cover during a national air raid drill in Chicago in 1954.

A nuclear Armageddon was very much on our minds at Harvard in the early 1960s. At the time, I was attending the university as a Frank Knox Fellow. It was a time to think the unthinkable, in lecture halls and even at the movies. The young Henry Kissinger, one of my professors, taught us a popular course in nuclear realpolitik. Based on his book, Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, his lectures assessed the feasibility of a “limited” nuclear war. Future conflicts would have a nuclear dimension, he concluded, so why not wage them on our own terms? (His thesis may soon apply to Iran and North Korea.)
For Kissinger’s course, we read On Thermonuclear War by Herman Kahn (who was soon to open the Hudson Institute), arguing that a nation could “win” such a conflict — if it was prepared to sustain “megadeaths.” In Kahn’s view, Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) was not inevitable; there could be a winner, of sorts. Compared with the hawkish Kahn, Kissinger was a dove in the world of nuclear politics.
Our favourite movie was On The Beach, based on the Nevil Shute best-seller, starring Gregory Peck, Ava Gardner and Fred Astaire in his only non song-and-dance role. It depicted the last days of our species in a nuclear doomsday. In the fadeout, surely one of the greatest film endings, a sign above a lifeless street in Melbourne proclaims that “There is still time … brother,” to the haunting theme of Waltzing Matilda.
Fifty years ago this month, reality caught up with academic theory and fiction. The 13-day Cuban Missile Crisis confronted us with the very real possibility of a nuclear war. It was only the wisdom and patience of U.S. President John F. Kennedy that served to avoid the “megadeaths.” He rejected the hawkish counsel of his advisors, including brother Bobby Kennedy, to escalate the confrontation beyond his arms blockade — as we now know from White House tape recordings. The crisis ended when Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev made a secret deal with JFK to remove his missiles from Cuba if Kennedy removed America’s missiles from Turkey at a later date. In Churchill’s words, jaw, jaw proved to be a better solution than war, war.
“We went eyeball to eyeball with Russia — and they blinked,” was the false boast of an unidentified Kennedy aide. The confrontation, which began Oct. 14 when a U.S. spy plane photographed Soviet missile sites in Cuba, some 80 miles from Florida, ended on Oct. 28. Surely this is a date that deserves to be remembered through the ages. These were JFK’s finest hours.
If Kennedy’s hawkish successor, Lyndon Johnson, who took office just over a year later, had been President in 1962, a more dangerous form of nuclear brinkmanship likely would have taken place. LBJ was soon led into the Vietnam quagmire by the same advisers — Robert McNamara and Dean Rusk, among them — who had insisted on the hard-line military response to the Soviet threat in Cuba.
I remember that period in late October well. Many people did not go to work. In their living rooms, families clustered around black-and-white TV sets for news about whether they might live or perish. One of my best friends simply repaired to bed for the duration of the crisis with the new-found love of his life. I was reminded of T.S. Eliot’s lines: This is the way the world ends/Not with a bang but a whimper. My future father-in-law quickly converted his basement into a bomb shelter. People with deep basements or jerry-built nuclear shelters like him were suddenly popular. Some wondered whether it would be morally defensible to shoot a neighbour if he tried to break into their basement shelter. But I felt no huge sense of panic. After all, we were all in this together. And this was a great story, perhaps the last great story.
Adult fear can be infectious to children. My wife remembers being terrified when told by her teacher that nuclear fallout was invisible and odourless. As a 25-year-old Montreal Star reporter, I had watched a class of 10-year-olds in the Town of Mount Royal being taught how to seek cover under their desks. Some kids told me they were watching the sky for Russian bombers or missiles. In a Catholic school, children were told to recite the rosary under their desks. To children, the necessary tests of air raid sirens seemed to be the real thing. I heard of a five-year-old who built a trap of sticks and stones in the garden to catch Castro and Khrushchev.
Some families were advised to pack the car and get out of town — but to where? I figured the safest place would be Washington, because, if the nukes were fired, the capital cities would be spared so there was someone left to negotiate with.
Looking back 50 years later, my most vivid memory is of “the circles” — circles drawn on maps to depict how far north missiles of different sizes could travel from communist Cuba. Montreal seemed to be out of “the circles” — for missiles, that is, but not for radiation, as we all knew from On the Beach.
In 1962, the prescient novel Seven Days in May, co-written by Charles Bailey, one of my mentors when I covered the LBJ White House, told the story of how rogue generals had plotted a coup to seize the presidency during a Cold War crisis. As a movie, it did not do to well at the box office in 1964, possibly because people wanted to forget the missile crisis. But we should always remember what happened 50 years ago — as a sobering reminder of how easily humankind can stumble into apocalypse, if there are not wise leaders to stop at the brink.
National Post
Raymond Heard covered the White House for the Montreal Star and London Observer, 1964-74.

lunes, octubre 01, 2012

The Soviet ticking time bomb legacy

terrible. esta el asunto de las minas antipersonales que ha provocado cientos miles de mutilaciones y decenas de miles muertos. uno de los legados de los camaradas sovietivos que tambien transmitieron a los kaxtroz. hay un convenio internacional para evitar su empleo, pero los hp de siempre no lo han firmado entre ellos cuba. cientos [o miles que nunca se sabra] cubanos las han sufrido en los campos de mimas que rodean la base naval de guantanamo de lo cual nadie habla. hay cientos de miles sino millones de minas sembradas por militares cubanos en muchos lugares del mundo particularmente en africa y centroamerica. tampoco se habla de ello ni se piden responsabilidades  igualmente espantoso el asunto de las armas exportadas o regaladas a cualquiera que decia ser anti-yanqui. hoy cualquier idiota puede adquirir un akm-47 original en internet y causar una masacre. los otros - los yanquis digo-, tampoco se quedan atras.
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By Vasily Fedosenko

The Soviet Union collapsed overnight more than two decades ago. In Belarus, which suffered most in the aftermath of the Chernobyl nuclear disaster in 1986, the sudden demise of the nuclear superpower five years later left enough lethal legacy of other types to endanger the lives of several future generations.
In a forest near the village of Savichi, some 160 km (100 miles) southwest of Minsk, one of these Soviet-era time bombs is still ticking. Here, under a thin layer of ground, hundreds of tons of highly toxic Soviet-made pesticides are stored in leaky dumps.
Located just 3 km (2 miles) from a busy motorway, the dump spreads the pungent smell of chemicals far beyond its perimeter marked by rows of barbed wire. The poisonous substances hastily buried here back in the 1960-70s include the dreaded dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane, more widely known as DDT, banned worldwide for several decades because it can cause cancer in humans.
Belarus’s independence has given a new lease on life to places like Savichi, a forlorn area marked with signs reading: “Danger. Toxic chemicals.” A $5.5 million U.S. grant helps finance work aimed to clean up the pesticide disposal site. People clad in white chemical protection overalls and wearing gas masks load a greyish mixture of soil and chemicals leaked from rusty barrels into new blue-colored 70-kg (154 pound) plastic containers.
Last year, workers loaded and sent a total of around 950 tons of the toxic substance to Germany for environmentally safe processing. This year they are completing work at this old dump, having packed more than 600 tons of pesticides in more than 9,000 containers.
This project is coming to an end but officials say Belarus’s land holds several more huge Soviet-era dumps of toxic pesticides. And the time bombs continue ticking.

viernes, septiembre 28, 2012

1963 Communist Goals [US Congressional Record]

From The Blaze
Congressional Record--Appendix, pp. A34-A35 January 10, 1963
Current Communist Goals
EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. A. S. HERLONG, JR. OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, January 10, 1963

facta-non-verba.blogspot.com
Mr. HERLONG. Mr. Speaker, Mrs. Patricia Nordman of De Land, Fla., is an ardent and articulate opponent of communism, and until recently published the De Land Courier, which she dedicated to the purpose of alerting the public to the dangers of communism in America.
At Mrs. Nordman's request, I include in the RECORD, under unanimous consent, the following "Current Communist Goals," which she identifies as an excerpt from "The Naked Communist," by Cleon Skousen:
[From "The Naked Communist," by Cleon Skousen]
CURRENT COMMUNIST GOALS
1. U.S. acceptance of coexistence as the only alternative to atomic war.
2. U.S. willingness to capitulate in preference to engaging in atomic war.
3. Develop the illusion that total disarmament [by] the United States would be a demonstration of moral strength.
4. Permit free trade between all nations regardless of Communist affiliation and regardless of whether or not items could be used for war.
5. Extension of long-term loans to Russia and Soviet satellites.
6. Provide American aid to all nations regardless of Communist domination.
7. Grant recognition of Red China. Admission of Red China to the U.N.
8. Set up East and West Germany as separate states in spite of Khrushchev's promise in 1955 to settle the German question by free elections under supervision of the U.N.
9. Prolong the conferences to ban atomic tests because the United States has agreed to suspend tests as long as negotiations are in progress.
10. Allow all Soviet satellites individual representation in the U.N.
11. Promote the U.N. as the only hope for mankind. If its charter is rewritten, demand that it be set up as a one-world government with its own independent armed forces. (Some Communist leaders believe the world can be taken over as easily by the U.N. as by Moscow. Sometimes these two centers compete with each other as they are now doing in the Congo.)
12. Resist any attempt to outlaw the Communist Party.
13. Do away with all loyalty oaths.
14. Continue giving Russia access to the U.S. Patent Office.
15. Capture one or both of the political parties in the United States.
16. Use technical decisions of the courts to weaken basic American institutions by claiming their activities violate civil rights.
17. Get control of the schools. Use them as transmission belts for socialism and current Communist propaganda. Soften the curriculum. Get control of teachers' associations. Put the party line in textbooks.
18. Gain control of all student newspapers.
19. Use student riots to foment public protests against programs or organizations which are under Communist attack.
20. Infiltrate the press. Get control of book-review assignments, editorial writing, policymaking positions.
21. Gain control of key positions in radio, TV, and motion pictures.
22. Continue discrediting American culture by degrading all forms of artistic expression. An American Communist cell was told to "eliminate all good sculpture from parks and buildings, substitute shapeless, awkward and meaningless forms."
23. Control art critics and directors of art museums. "Our plan is to promote ugliness, repulsive, meaningless art."
24. Eliminate all laws governing obscenity by calling them "censorship" and a violation of free speech and free press.
25. Break down cultural standards of morality by promoting pornography and obscenity in books, magazines, motion pictures, radio, and TV.
26. Present homosexuality, degeneracy and promiscuity as "normal, natural, healthy."
27. Infiltrate the churches and replace revealed religion with "social" religion. Discredit the Bible and emphasize the need for intellectual maturity which does not need a "religious crutch."
28. Eliminate prayer or any phase of religious expression in the schools on the ground that it violates the principle of "separation of church and state."
29. Discredit the American Constitution by calling it inadequate, old-fashioned, out of step with modern needs, a hindrance to cooperation between nations on a worldwide basis.
30. Discredit the American Founding Fathers. Present them as selfish aristocrats who had no concern for the "common man."
31. Belittle all forms of American culture and discourage the teaching of American history on the ground that it was only a minor part of the "big picture." Give more emphasis to Russian history since the Communists took over.
32. Support any socialist movement to give centralized control over any part of the culture--education, social agencies, welfare programs, mental health clinics, etc.
33. Eliminate all laws or procedures which interfere with the operation of the Communist apparatus.
34. Eliminate the House Committee on Un-American Activities.
35. Discredit and eventually dismantle the FBI.
36. Infiltrate and gain control of more unions.
37. Infiltrate and gain control of big business.
38. Transfer some of the powers of arrest from the police to social agencies. Treat all behavioral problems as psychiatric disorders which no one but psychiatrists can understand [or treat].
39. Dominate the psychiatric profession and use mental health laws as a means of gaining coercive control over those who oppose Communist goals.
40. Discredit the family as an institution. Encourage promiscuity and easy divorce.
41. Emphasize the need to raise children away from the negative influence of parents. Attribute prejudices, mental blocks and retarding of children to suppressive influence of parents.
42. Create the impression that violence and insurrection are legitimate aspects of the American tradition; that students and special-interest groups should rise up and use ["]united force["] to solve economic, political or social problems.
43. Overthrow all colonial governments before native populations are ready for self-government.
44. Internationalize the Panama Canal.
45. Repeal the Connally reservation so the United States cannot prevent the World Court from seizing jurisdiction [over domestic problems. Give the World Court jurisdiction] over nations and individuals alike.
More:  http://www.uhuh.com/nwo/communism/comgoals.htm

lunes, julio 09, 2012

Eisenhower and Khrushchev Clash Over Cuba, July 9, 1960

Politico.com/

Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev gestures as he poses with Mrs. Nina Khrushchev and their guests in the Russian Embassy in Washington on Sept. 16, 1959. The Khrushchevs entertained at a state dinner for the Eisenhowers. | AP Photo
AP Photo
On this day in 1960, President Dwight D. Eisenhower warned that the United States would not countenance the “establishment of a regime dominated by international communism in the Western Hemisphere.”
Eisenhower’s statement came in response to a threat issued by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev. In a Moscow speech, Khrushchev said the Soviet Union was prepared to use its missiles to protect Cuba from U.S. military intervention. “One should not forget,” Khrushchev declared, “that now the United States is no longer at an unreachable distance from the Soviet Union as it was before.” He charged that the United States was “plotting insidious and criminal steps” against Cuba.
The verbal volley between Moscow and Washington came amid a rapidly deteriorating climate in Cuban-American relations — some 18 months after Fidel Castro had overthrown Fulgencio Batista, that nation’s longtime dictator. Although the United States had recognized the new revolutionary government, many top U.S. officials believed that Castro was moving to establish a communist regime in Cuba.
Accordingly, on July 3, Washington suspended sugar purchases from Cuba, which accounted, at the time, for 80 percent of Cuban exports to the United States. Two days later, Castro nationalized all U.S. businesses and commercial property on the island. Eisenhower retaliated by canceling Cuba’s remaining 1960 sugar quota. On July 8, the Soviet Union announced it would buy all of the sugar that had been cut off by Washington.
As charges and countercharges flew between the Cold War rivals, Castro said in a July 9 Havana radio interview: “They have done all they can to remove the revolutionary government … [But] we are acting with reason and right on our side. They are acting against reason, right and history. We are certain we will emerge victorious in this struggle. We are absolutely certain we will win the economic battle.”

Read more: http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0712/78209.html#ixzz208xEIoCJ

miércoles, junio 27, 2012

6,000 former KGB officers were holding positions in Russia’s central and regional governments

Vladimir Putin, elected president of Russia; Vladimir Osipov, head of the Presidential Personnel Directorate; Sergey Ivanov, defense minister; Igor Sergeyevich Ivanov, minister of foreign affairs; Viktor Ivanov and Igor Sechin, deputy directors in the Presidential Administration; Vyacheslav Soltaganov, deputy secretary of the Security Council; Viktor Vasilyevich Cherkesov, chairman of the State Committee on Drug Trafficking; Vyacheslav Trubinkov, deputy foreign minister; Vladimir Kozlov, deputy media minister; Gennady Moshkov, first deputy transport minister; Nikolay Negodov, deputy transport minister; Vladimir Strzhalkovsky, deputy minister for economic development; Vladimir Makarov, Leonid Lobzenko and Igor Mezhakov, deputy chairmen of the State Customs Committee; Sergey Verevkin-Rokhalsky and Anatoly Sedov, deputy taxes and duties ministers; Anatoly Tsybulevsky and Vladimir Lazovsky, deputy directors of the of the Federal Tax Police Service; Alexander Grigoriev, general director of the Russian Agency for State Reserves; Alexander Spiridonov, deputy chairman of Russia’s Financial Monitoring Committee; Vladimir Kulakov, Voronezh governor; Viktor Maslov, Smolensk governor.
Can you imagine a democratic Germany run by Gestapo officers?

Lt. Gen. Ion Mihai Pacepa - WorldNetDaily


Top Soviet-bloc defector: Marxism infecting U.S.

WorldNetDaily/


By Lt. Gen. Ion Mihai Pacepa
Editor’s note: Lt. Gen. Ion Mihai Pacepa is the highest-ranking Soviet-bloc official ever to defect to the West. In December 1989, Romanian President Nicolae Ceausescu was executed at the end of a trial whose accusations came almost word-for-word out of Pacepa’s book, “Red Horizons,” subsequently republished in 27 countries.
After President Carter approved his request for political asylum, Pacepa became an American citizen and worked with U.S. intelligence agencies against the former Eastern Bloc. The CIA has praised Pacepa’s cooperation for providing “an important and unique contribution to the United States.”
A few weeks ago I read “America’s Marxist Picnic,” a touching story by WND’s David Kupelian, which illustrates how much the U.S. government hated Marxism a generation ago.
David’s father was one of America’s top rocket scientists, and he became deputy undersecretary of defense for strategic and theater nuclear forces under Ronald Reagan. During the 1970s, however, the U.S. government considered withdrawing his top secret security clearance because some informer had reported that, during his teen years, his mother had attended an Armenian church picnic where a pro-Soviet speaker gave a talk.
That story moved me. My father also worked for America – not as a top rocket scientist, but as service manager of the General Motors affiliate in Romania. Working for America became a crime when the communists took over Romania at the end of WWII and my father was soon killed by the Red Army.
Today the Communist Party is abolished in Romania, which re-became a trustworthy ally of the U.S.. Meanwhile, the formerly cursed Communist Party USA is throwing its full support to the current president of the United States.
I wrote to David. That’s how this interview was born.
Editor’s note: Ion Mihai Pacepa was interviewed by WND Managing Editor David Kupelian.
WND: Gen. Pacepa, it’s an honor to talk with you. Please tell me, did America win the Cold War? If so, why are we fighting Marxism in our own country today? And if not, what really happened?
Pacepa: Yes, we won the Cold War, but unlike other wars the Cold War did not end with an act of surrender and with the defeated enemy throwing down his weapons. But no, we are not fighting Marxism in our country, because the American people have not yet been warned that their country is being contaminated by Marxism. A few conservative luminaries like Glenn Beck, Rush Limbaugh and Bill O’Reilly have warned that Marxism is infecting the United States, but neither the Republicans’ “Pledge to America” nor the Tea Party’s “Contract from America” has mentioned the word Marxism.
So far, to the best of my knowledge, only your “Marxism, American-Style” (June 2012 Whistleblower magazine) and PJ Media’s “Say No To Socialism” have called attention to the looming dangers of Marxism, a heresy that killed some 94 million people and transformed a third of the world into feudal societies in the middle of the 20th century.
There is still a widely popular belief in the U.S. and Western Europe that the nefarious Marxist legacy was uprooted in 1991 when the Soviet Union was abolished, just as the Nazi legacy was extirpated in 1945 when World War II ended. That is simply wishful thinking. There is a considerable difference between these two historical events.
In the 1950s, when I headed Romania’s foreign intelligence station in West Germany, I witnessed how Hitler’s Third Reich had been demolished, its war criminals put on trial, its military and police forces disbanded and the Nazis removed from public office. I also saw how West Germany’s economy was being rebuilt with the help of Marshall Plan money and how the country had become a multi-party democracy and a close friend of the United States. In 1959, when I returned to Romania, West Germany’s Wirtschaftswunder (economic miracle) made it the leading industrial power in Europe.
None of those things have happened in the former Soviet Union. No individual has been put on trial, although its Marxist regime killed many more millions than the Nazis did. Most Soviet institutions, under new names, have been left in place and are now run by many of the same people who guided the Marxist state. The KGB and the Red Army, which instrumented the Cold War, have also remained in place with new nameplates at their doors.
“Communism is dead,” people shouted in 1989, when the Berlin Wall began to come down. Soviet Communism is indeed dead as a form of government. But Marxism is on the rise again, and people are not paying attention. Why not? Because most people do not seem to be familiar with the undercover forms of Marxism we are facing today.
Hiding the ugly face of Marxism behind a smiling mask has become a Marxist science, which I described in a large piece recently published in PJ Media. Here let me just say that until 1963, Marxism was mostly camouflaged as “socialism.” The 1963 missile crisis generated by the socialist República de Cuba gave the socialist mask of Marxism a dirty name in the West and few Marxists wanted to be openly associated with it anymore. They therefore began hiding their Marxism under a new cover called “economic determinism,” which became all the rage among leftists who no longer wanted to be labeled socialists.
Economic determinism is a theory of survival rooted in Marx’s “Manifesto” (another theory of survival), but it pretends that the economic organization of a society, not the class war, determines the nature of all other aspects of life. Over the years, economic determinism has assumed different names. Khrushchev’s dogonyat i peregonyat (catching up with and overtaking the West in 10 years) and Gorbachev’s perestroika are the best known.

I wrote the script of Nicolae Ceausescu’s determinism, which was hidden behind the nickname “New Economic Order.” Most Americans, who are not used to dealing with undercover Marxists, have problems recognizing one. In April 1978, President Carter publicly hailed Ceausescu as a “great national and international leader who [had] taken on a role of leadership in the entire international community.” At the time, I was standing next to Ceausescu at the White House – and I just smiled.
Three months later, I was granted political asylum in the United States, and I informed President Carter how Ceausescu had been feeding him a pack of lies. The admiration for Ceausescu’s undercover Marxism had, however, taken on such a life of its own that the U.S. Congress, dominated by President Carter’s Democratic Party, brought the United States a sui-generis version of Ceausescu’s economic determinism. That move generated double-digit inflation. The U.S. prime rate hit 21.5 percent, the highest in U.S. history, and people had to spend long hours in line waiting to buy gas for their cars.
Laura D’Andrea Tyson, former chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers under President Clinton and later an economic adviser to President Obama, has kept that undercover Marxism alive in the U.S. She even wrote her Ph.D. dissertation on the merits of the allegedly “mixed” socialist-capitalist economies in Ceausescu’s Romania and Tito’s Yugoslavia. Two American presidents went to Bucharest to pay tribute to Ceausescu’s Marxism disguised as economic determinism. None had ever gone there before.
A few months ago, when the devastating economic crisis in Greece exploded, economic determinism lost credibility and our Democratic Party replaced it with “progressivism,” which is the current cover name for American Marxism. The real Progressive Movement was born after the U.S. financial crisis of 1893, which the country tried to solve by redistributing America’s wealth. The progressives pushed through the first federal income tax and they created a string of labor standards that opened up the floodgates of corruption and financial excess that generated the Great Depression. A new Progressive Movement, dubbed the New Deal, led to steep top tax rates, strict financial regulations, Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, eventually generating the current economic crisis.
Today’s Progressive Movement was born in New York’s Zuccotti Park. It was first known as the “Occupy Wall Street” movement and advocated the abolition of “capitalist America.” The Democratic Party strongly embraced it and made “Progressive” its new byword. “God bless them,” House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi told the U.S. Congress. “It’s young, it’s spontaneous, it’s focused and it’s going to be effective.” 

lunes, junio 25, 2012

Ex general del Pino sobre la traicion de Fidel Castro

Cubanálisis El Think-Tank

Rafael del Pino/
Daniel Ortega, Maurice Bishop y Fidel
No, no pienso referirme en este artículo al día de los padres en este mes de junio. La efeméride me hizo recordar un acontecimiento histórico que tuvo lugar hace ya 23 años.

El viejo refrán de “agua pasada no mueve molinos” a veces conspira en nuestros cerebros y nos hace omitir importantísimas experiencias cuando concentramos demasiado la atención en hechos y fenómenos actuales.

Creo que errores pasados no solo son capaces de mover molinos sino también cerebros. Uno de los ejes fundamentales en la importancia de la historia es poder analizar el pasado para comprender el presente. Solo mirando el pasado, podemos comprender el por qué de nuestra actualidad. Por eso haremos un sintetizado recorrido por algunas de esas huellas dejadas en medio siglo de avatares.

Hoy existen en mi profesión generales que nacieron después del triunfo revolucionario. Oficiales provenientes de las escuelas Camilo Cienfuegos educados bajo la maquinaria propagandística de un régimen totalitario, engrasada en medio siglo de control y tergiversaciones. Maquinaria implacable que se encarga afanosamente de borrar las huellas del desastre porque saben, cómo sentenció Lenin, que para hacer una evaluación objetiva de cualquier fenómeno social hay que analizar cómo surge, como se desarrolla y en que se convierte.

Escojo esta fecha también porque probablemente muchos de los cadetes que hoy se gradúan como oficiales en las escuelas militares estaban siendo traídos al mundo por sus respectivas madres en los momentos cuando se consumía una de las más grandes infamias y traiciones cometidas por Fidel Castro, su hermano y el resto de los incondicionales que se prestaron a la farsa para asesinar al General de División, Héroe de la Republica de Cuba Arnaldo Ochoa Sánchez.

Pero como este crimen fue una de tantas traiciones cometidas por quienes han destruido la nación es preciso hacer un sintetizado recuento.

Desde el inicio mismo del derrocamiento de la dictadura de Batista, Fidel Castro ha traicionado a cuanto seguidor de buena fe se incorporó al proceso revolucionario para restablecer el cauce democrático. No le bastó con la traición a todo aquel que se pronunció alarmantemente contra el cambio de rumbo que tomaba una Revolución tan popular sino que los trituró sin compasión. Desde combatientes del Moncada como Gustavo Arcos que le condujo el automóvil que nunca llegó a entrar en el famoso cuartel pero que le costó un balazo en la cadera hasta otros combatientes de la misma gesta que lo siguieron mas tarde en el Granma como Mario Chanes de Armas que cumplió hasta el último día de sus 30 años de presidio.

Comandantes del calibre de Huber Matos que simplemente renunció a sus cargos por no acompañarlo en el camino del totalitarismo y que igualmente cumplió hasta el último día su condena a 20 años de prisión.

Pero la traición fundamental, no solo a los que sufrieron la represión e ignominia al oponerse al camino de una tiranía más sangrienta que la de Batista fue a aquellos que dieron sus vidas siguiendo el programa revolucionario totalmente democrático del Moncada. La traición total al  programa insurreccional del 26 de Julio que prometió un retorno de Cuba a la democracia representativa, a la Constitución de 1940 y a la celebración de elecciones libres en un año y medio después del triunfo de la insurrección.

Incontables son los ejemplos que necesitarían toda una biblioteca para registrar las traiciones de Fidel Castro. Y en todos, absolutamente en todos, estuvo presente el gastado argumento de la patria en peligro, de salvaguardar la soberanía de Cuba, de la falta de lealtad de los que disienten y la traición al máximo líder. Que como dijo Raúl en su discurso del 14 de junio de 1989 donde anunciaba el arresto del General Ochos – “Fidel es el papá  de todos los cubanos” y sus órdenes, “encarnan el mandato y la voluntad de la Patria”.

Estoy seguro que estos nuevos Generales/Camilitos y Cadetes/Oficiales desconocen la realidad histórica que le ha tocado vivir al pueblo cubano. Han sido muchos años de hermetismo, de tergiversación de la verdad, del empleo irrestricto de toda una maquinaria diseñada para convertir la verdad en mentira y viceversa. Pero siempre hay quien no se conforma con los credos ni el oscurantismo y encuentran la forma de informarse con fidelidad.

El pretexto más utilizado para justificar la conculcación de las libertades y de los derechos de los cubanos ha sido el de “la soberanía en peligro” Comenzaremos por ese aspecto. No es necesario dar explicaciones detalladas de qué sucedió, prefiero limitarme a sus sanos juicios y que sean ustedes mismos los que investiguen y evalúen acontecimientos trascendentales ocurridos después de 1959 que por lo menos a mi me demostraron que el régimen implantado en Cuba por Fidel Castro ha sido el más entreguista de nuestra soberanía nacional en toda su historia.

- ¿Solicitó o no Fidel Castro que una Brigada Motomecanizada Soviética permaneciera en Cuba por más de 20 años en las proximidades de Santiago de las Vegas con toda su técnica militar y armamentos? ¿Teníamos nosotros más que suficientes Brigadas con el mismo potencial combativo para cumplir esas funciones?

- ¿Tuvimos o no una Brigada similar durante largos años en Etiopia para proteger al asesino de Mengistu?

- ¿Con que derecho FC cedió esa región de Santiago de las Vegas a una potencia extranjera para que la convirtiera en una base militar en el corazón de nuestra patria?

- ¿Entregó o no FC a las tropas soviéticas toda la región donde radicaba el antiguo reformatorio de menores de Torrens conocido en la guerra fría como Complejo de Lourdes para que montara una base militar de exploración y espionaje electrónico contra Estados Unidos?

- ¿Solicitó o no Fidel Castro al gobierno soviético que enviara pilotos de combate rusos para defender a Cuba y así poder enviar a los mejores pilotos cubanos para la guerra de Angola?

- ¿Con que derecho FC accedió a que pilotos rusos que ni hablaban español se ocuparan de la defensa de los cielos de Cuba? ¿Fue discutido en la Asamblea Nacional? ¿Fue aprobado por decisión de la Asamblea o por algún referéndum que le diera legitimidad?

- ¿Teníamos o no los suficientes pilotos para cumplir ese deber sagrado de defender la patria que solo corresponde a los cubanos?

- ¿Le cedió o no Fidel Castro un tercio de la base aérea de San Antonio de los Baños a la aviación estratégica de la Unión Soviética para que basificara sus mastodontes TU-95? ¿Es o no verdad que a los militares cubanos se les prohibió la entrada en esa área de nuestra propia base?

- ¿Qué relación puede tener digamos con la soberanía de Angola (la cual supuestamente “defendíamos” ) el aplastar al mejor estilo soviético, empleando nuestros tanques, el golpe de Estado que una propia fracción del MPLA dirigida por Nito Alves intentó darle a Agostino Neto? - intentona  apoyada además por la propia URSS - ¿No era ese un conflicto interno de la organización gobernante MPLA a más de un año de haberse retirado a Namibia las tropas sudafricanas que apoyaron a la UNITA en 1975?

¿Tienen todavía estos señores la desfachatez de hablar de soberanía?

Pasemos ahora a “La traición a la Patria”

¿Cuál sería una verdadera traición a la patria; la que le endilgaron al general Arnaldo Ochoa para asesinarlo con visos legales por poner en peligro la subsistencia de un grupo ilegitimo de poder o la de un gobernante protegido dentro de un Puesto de Mando, en un bunker a prueba de golpes nucleares como estábamos nosotros en la Crisis de los misiles nucleares pidiéndole a la metrópoli protectora que iniciara los golpes nucleares contra Estados Unidos que indudablemente acabarían con la existencia de todos los cubanos que no tuvieran dicha protección?

No especulo, he aquí el párrafo de la carta donde Nikita Krushov se opone a tamaña irresponsabilidad: “En su cable del 27 de octubre Vd. nos propuso que fuéramos primeros en asestar el golpe nuclear contra el territorio del enemigo. Vd., desde luego, comprende a qué llevaría esto. Esto no sería un simple golpe, sino que el inicio de la guerra mundial termonuclear”.

¿Nos dijo o no Raúl Castro en una reunión que fue grabada y después distribuida por todas las unidades que el coronel Pedro Tortoló Comas debió haberse pegado un tiro por no haber combatido hasta la muerte sacrificándose junto a los 784 cubanos que allí había?

Si es que encuentran el famoso video vale preguntarse ¿que hizo Fidel y Raúl Castro después del asalto al Moncada sin estar rodeado por ninguna fuerza incomparablemente superior sino rendirse a un sacerdote católico para que los protegiera? O ¿Qué hicieron otra vez en Alegría de Pio sino fue correr despavoridos quedando dispersos?

Destruir a Tortoló como lo hicieron por haberse negado a sacrificar centenares de vidas inútilmente para complacer el ego insaciable de un caudillo, es para mí una traición sin precedentes no solo al coronel sino a todos los oficiales que allí había, a los centenares de hombres que iban a morir y más aun a las esposas, hijos y familiares que perderían a sus seres más queridos. Saquen ustedes sus propias conclusiones si alcanzan a ver el video.

Por último definamos la lealtad.

Todos los que le digan que si han llegado a ser lo que son, se lo deben al Comandante en Jefe, a la Revolución, al Partido o a cuanto otro fetiche se les ocurra están tendiéndole la trampa para que crucen la fina línea que separa la lealtad de la sumisión.

Cuba es una isla sin fronteras ni conflictos fronterizos de ningún tipo, sus fuerzas armadas están concebidas para defender el país de una agresión militar extranjera y no tienen contemplado en su doctrina militar ser empleadas contra la propia población civil. El mantenimiento del orden es la responsabilidad que se le ha dado al Ministerio del Interior.

Existe una gran diferencia entre la lealtad y la sumisión. La lealtad es el cumplimiento de lo que exigen las leyes de la fidelidad y las del honor y hombría de bien. La sumisión es el sometimiento de alguien a otra u otras personas.

Cuando se actúa en interés de un grupo de gobernantes en contra de los intereses de la mayoría del pueblo cubano se ha traspasando el campo de la lealtad para caer en el de la sumisión.

Nunca será lo mismo someter una multitud que regir una sociedad.

Raúl tenía razón en la desarticulada diatriba improvisada en su nefasto discurso del 14 de junio de 1989. Solo que el efecto del vodka le hizo decir que “Fidel es el Papá de todos los cubanos” en lugar de “Fidel es el padre de todos los traidores”

viernes, junio 15, 2012

The Origins of “Glomar” Declassified

A USGS Satellite photo of the Glomar Explorer in Suisun Bay, CA
UNREDACTED/ By

On 19 March 1975, the New York Times’ front page included Seymour Hersh’s headline story, “C.I.A. Salvage Ship Brought Up Part of Soviet Sub Lost in 1968, Failed to Raise Atom Missiles.” This was the story of the ship Glomar Explorer, constructed by one of Howard Hughes’ companies under CIA contract, and built to salvage a Soviet submarine three miles in Pacific waters. The National Archives has recently declassified in full, in response to a mandatory declassification review appeal, the record of a White House discussion that same day about Hersh’s story. President Gerald Ford met with White House advisers, Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger, and CIA director William Colby and discussed a response to the disclosure of “Operation Matador,” the code name for the salvaging project. Schlesinger wanted to confirm the story because it was “a major American accomplishment”, a “marvel,” and going public would help it avoid looking like “part of a covert operation.” Unpersuaded, Colby wanted to keep the lid on it. Recalling the May 1960 U-2 affair, when President Eisenhower acknowledged his responsibility which led to the collapse of the Paris summit meeting in May 1960, Colby wanted to take a different tack: “We should not put the Soviet Union under such pressure to respond.” With U.S.-Soviet détente under pressure in the United States, Colby thought it better to avoid new tensions in relations with Moscow.  More >>

viernes, mayo 25, 2012

Anatoly S. Chernayev Diary, 1972- An insider's view of the Brezhnev era

http://www.nsarchive.org
First trip with Gorbachev. Chernyaev in Belgium, October 1972.

Soviet government official Anatoly Chernyaev records an insider's view of the Brezhnev era

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 379 Posted - May 25, 2012
For more information contact:
Svetlana Savranskaya - 202/994-7000

Translated and edited by Anna Melyakova and Svetlana Savranskaya
"Anatoly Chernyaev's diary is one of the great internal records of the Gorbachev years, a trove of irreplaceable observations about a turning point in history. There is nothing else quite like it, allowing the reader to sit at Gorbachev's elbow at the time of perestroika and glasnost, experiencing the breakthroughs and setbacks. It is a major contribution to our understanding of this momentous period."
— David E. Hoffman, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of The Dead Hand
"Remarkable diary ..."
— Historian Amy Knight, New York Review of Books, April 6, 2012


Washington, D.C., May 25, 2012 – Today the National Security Archive publishes excerpts from Anatoly S. Chernyaev's diary of 1972 for the first time in English translation with edits and postscript by the author. While the diary for the Gorbachev years, 1985-1991, published before and widely used in scholarly work on the end of the Cold War provided a major source on the Gorbachev reforms, the earlier years of the diary give the reader a very rare window into the workings of the Brezhnev inner circle in the 1970s.
The portrait of the Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, whom most Americans remember from his later years as frail and incomprehensible, emerges very differently from the earliest in the series of diaries donated by Anatoly Sergeyevich Chernyaev to the National Security Archive. In 1972, Chernyaev, deputy head of the International Department of the Central Committee, started keeping a systematic diary, recording his attendance at Politburo meetings, his participation in meetings at the state dacha in Zavidovo (where the experts and speechwriters met to draft speeches and reports for the General Secretary), visits abroad, and the daily life of a high-level Soviet apparatchik.
In 1972, Brezhnev is a skillful negotiator, who prepares seriously for Richard Nixon's first visit to Moscow, who discusses texts of his speeches with leading Moscow intellectuals whom he brought into his inner circle as speechwriters and consultants, who is essentially non-ideological in his dealings with foreign leaders-negotiating arms control and economic agreements with Nixon while the U.S. forces are bombing the Soviet communist ally Vietnam, preferring Georges Pompidou to the leader of French communists Georges Marchais, and"brainwashing" Pakistani leader Bhutto. The two most striking differences between the aging Brezhnev of the late 1970s-early 1980s and the Brezhnev of this diary are that the General Secretary is clearly in charge of the Politburo sessions and that he actively consults with leading experts and intellectuals, such as Georgy Arbatov, Nikolai Inozemtsev, Alexander Bovin and Chernyaev himself.
Chernyaev's daily duties are centered around the international communist movement, interactions with representatives from European communist parties. The reader sees Chernyaev's emerging disillusionment with his work, which in comparison to real foreign policy, like preparation for Nixon's visit, feels meaningless. Chernyaev comes to believe that "the Communist Movement right now is nothing more than an ideological addendum to our foreign policy," and that the Soviet authority in the progressive movements in the world is shrinking: "nobody believes us anymore, no matter how we portray the Chinese and try to explain our Marxist-Leninist purity."
He sees the future in a different direction. After Nixon's visit, Chernyaev is asked to draft Brezhnev's speech on Soviet-American relations and thus is allowed to see all the materials from the meeting, including all transcripts of conversation. Impressed with the quality of interaction and the non-ideological spirit of it, Chernyaev anticipates a new era: "Be that as it may, but we've crossed the Rubicon. The great Rubicon of world history. These weeks of May 1972 will go down in history as the beginning of an era of convergence."
But the new era will only come thirteen years later. In 1972, he sees the first almost imperceptible sign from the future. In October 1972, he is asked to accompany first secretary of the Stavropol region on a trip to Belgium. This is where Chernyaev meets and spends time with Mikhail Gorbachev for the first time. Astonishingly, as Chernyaev later admits, he did not record this meeting in the diary at the time. Only photographs documented this auspicious meeting where Chernyaev sits on the left hand of the future Soviet leader, whose right hand he was destined to become in the late 1980s.

jueves, abril 12, 2012

The Family Gagarin Left Behind


Photo: Allen Abel
Air & Space magazine/ By Allen Abel
They are his daughters and his widow, his nieces and cousins, his space-going peers, his former rivals, millions of us who knew him only from black-and-white newsreels as the first man in space, and a dwindling few who remember first-hand how far he had to rise to reach the stars.
It was April 12, 1961, when a dreamy boy born to poverty and flames on the Eastern Front of the Second World War flew weightless for nearly two hours in a capsule called Vostok—“the East.” Barely seven years later, when he was 34 years old, the spacefaring hero with the famous, easy smile was killed in a crash of his own MiG-15UTI jet, his hand still on the joystick when he and his instructor copilot hit the trees. He is one of history’s bravest and most tragic adventurers.
I am searching for the father and husband and friend behind the chiseled face on a statue or gleaming idol on a coin. But his elder daughter seems more comfortable discussing his public persona, calling his flight “one of the main achievements that took place over the last 100 years, not only for this country but for mankind.”
1968
She is telling me this in an office above one of the world’s great treasuries, the exhibition halls of the Moscow Kremlin, where czarist—and later, Communist—power presided over centuries of serfdom, socialism, and sacrifice. Elena Yurievna Gagarina was two years and two days old when her father lifted off from Baikonur in Kazakhstan, and not quite 10 when he died. Today, she is the director of the Kremlin State Museum, where she is the guardian of imperial robes, royal carriages, and Fabergé eggs.
It is difficult to imagine a more elegant workplace, or a more elegant woman. When Barack and Michelle Obama visited Moscow in 2009, it was Elena who escorted the First Lady through the galleries. Fluent in English, she is the custodian not only of Russia’s royal jewels but also of every Yuri Gagarin statue, every postal tribute, and every published encomium. All must pass her personal inspection.
“There are good sculptures and bad sculptures, good stamps and bad stamps,” she says. “This is the role which is given to me by law: that all images of my father and stories of his life I should see.” Fine art, she says, is all that ever attracted her, even as her father was reaching for—and falling from—the heights of space exploration and fame. “Each of us in our family followed a different path,” she says. “My mother was a doctor, my sister an economist. Our parents wanted us to follow our own interests.”
Elena worked her way up to become the curator of 18th century English drawings and engravings at Moscow’s Pushkin Museum. (Her only child, a daughter, works at the Kremlin with her.) It is natural to wonder whether someone named, say, Kuznetsova—the Russian “Smith”—would have risen as high as Yuri Gagarin’s daughter. But Elena waves off this petty conjecture. “I never used my name for my career,” she says. “My field of interest is very different from anything connected with space travel. I always wanted to be an art historian from the earliest age. But still, of course, people know my name. Everyone has a story about my father. Everyone has a story to tell about the 12th of April.”
Elena herself doesn’t remember much of that day. “When my father went into space, I don’t think that at that period I understood it quite well,” she says. “I was too young. All the people I encountered every day—our friends, our neighbors—were connected with the space project.”
No one at the time knew much about the engineering challenges of spaceflight. “The cosmonauts understood that it was 50-50 if the flight would be successful or not. The general consensus was that it was safe. But Father had complete trust in the chief designer [Sergei Korolev]. Korolev loved him very much.”
The second daughter, Galina Yurievna Gagarina, was 36 days old when her father flew. “When I was a child, I lived as every child does,” she says. “We hadn’t any special teacher or special school or special conditions of life. Our city—Star City—was a very special place. From the very beginning, I knew that. But for us, it was normal. At school, I studied with many different children. Not all were the children of cosmonauts.”
By the time Galina reached fourth grade, American astronauts were on the moon. If the Gagarina girls had been unique as infants, their celebrity no longer was so singular. A lot of the dads at Star City had gone into space.
We are in Galina’s office at Plekhanov University in Moscow, where she has been a professor of economics for 25 years. Galina, who is married to a pediatrician from the Kamchatka peninsula in Russia’s far east, has one child: a boy, now 17, named Yuri. Like her sister, she is fluent in English.  More >>
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Retratos de fusilados por el Castrismo - Juan Abreu

"Hablame"

"EN TIEMPOS DIFÍCILES" - Heberto Padilla

A aquel hombre le pidieron su tiempo

para que lo juntara al tiempo de la Historia.

Le pidieron las manos,

porque para una época difícil

nada hay mejor que un par de buenas manos.

Le pidieron los ojos

que alguna vez tuvieron lágrimas

para que contemplara el lado claro

(especialmente el lado claro de la vida)

porque para el horror basta un ojo de asombro.

Le pidieron sus labios

resecos y cuarteados para afirmar,

para erigir, con cada afirmación, un sueño

(el-alto-sueño);

le pidieron las piernas

duras y nudosas

(sus viejas piernas andariegas),

porque en tiempos difíciles

¿algo hay mejor que un par de piernas

para la construcción o la trinchera?

Le pidieron el bosque que lo nutrió de niño,

con su árbol obediente.

Le pidieron el pecho, el corazón, los hombros.

Le dijeron

que eso era estrictamente necesario.

Le explicaron después

que toda esta donación resultaria inútil.

sin entregar la lengua,

porque en tiempos difíciles

nada es tan útil para atajar el odio o la mentira.

Y finalmente le rogaron

que, por favor, echase a andar,

porque en tiempos difíciles

esta es, sin duda, la prueba decisiva.

Etiquetas

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La columna de Cubanalisis

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]
¨Saturno jugando con sus hijos¨/ Pedro Pablo Oliva

Seguidores

Carta desde la carcel de Fidel Castro Ruz

“…después de todo, para mí la cárcel es un buen descanso, que sólo tiene de malo el que es obligatorio. Leo mucho y estudio mucho. Parece increíble, las horas pasan como si fuesen minutos y yo, que soy de temperamento intranquilo, me paso el día leyendo, apenas sin moverme para nada. La correspondencia llega normalmente…”

“…Como soy cocinero, de vez en cuando me entretengo preparando algún pisto. Hace poco me mandó mi hermana desde Oriente un pequeño jamón y preparé un bisté con jalea de guayaba. También preparo spaghettis de vez en cuando, de distintas formas, inventadas todas por mí; o bien tortilla de queso. ¡Ah! ¡Qué bien me quedan! por supuesto, que el repertorio no se queda ahí. Cuelo también café que me queda muy sabroso”.
“…En cuanto a fumar, en estos días pasados he estado rico: una caja de tabacos H. Upman del doctor Miró Cardona, dos cajas muy buenas de mi hermano Ramón….”.
“Me voy a cenar: spaghettis con calamares, bombones italianos de postre, café acabadito de colar y después un H. Upman #4. ¿No me envidias?”.
“…Me cuidan, me cuidan un poquito entre todos. No le hacen caso a uno, siempre estoy peleando para que no me manden nada. Cuando cojo el sol por la mañana en shorts y siento el aire de mar, me parece que estoy en una playa… ¡Me van a hacer creer que estoy de vacaciones! ¿Qué diría Carlos Marx de semejantes revolucionarios?”.

Quotes

¨La patria es dicha de todos, y dolor de todos, y cielo para todos, y no feudo ni capellaní­a de nadie¨ - Marti

"No temas ni a la prision, ni a la pobreza, ni a la muerte. Teme al miedo"
-
Giacomo Leopardi

¨Por eso es muy importante, Vicky, hijo mío, que recuerdes siempre para qué sirve la cabeza: para atravesar paredes¨Halvar de Flake [El vikingo]

"Como no me he preocupado de nacer, no me preocupo de morir" - Lorca

"Al final, no os preguntarán qué habéis sabido, sino qué habéis hecho" - Jean de Gerson

"Si queremos que todo siga como está, es necesario que todo cambie" - Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa

"Todo hombre paga su grandeza con muchas pequeñeces, su victoria con muchas derrotas, su riqueza con múltiples quiebras" - Giovanni Papini


"Life is what happens while you are busy making other plans" - John Lennon

"Habla bajo, lleva siempre un gran palo y llegarás lejos" - Proverbio Africano

"No hay medicina para el miedo" - Proverbio escoces

"El supremo arte de la guerra es doblegar al enemigo sin luchar"
- Sun Tzu

"You do not really understand something unless you can explain it to your grandmother" - Albert Einstein

"It is inaccurate to say I hate everything. I am strongly in favor of common sense, common honesty, and common decency. This makes me forever ineligible for public office" - H. L. Menken

"I swore never to be silent whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation. We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented" - Elie Wiesel

"Stay hungry, stay foolish" -
Steve Jobs

"If you put the federal government in charge of the Sahara Desert , in five years ther'ed be a shortage of sand" - Milton Friedman

"The tragedy of modern man is not that he knows less and less about the meaning of his own life, but that it bothers him less and less" - Vaclav Havel

"No se puede controlar el resultado, pero si lo que uno haga para alcanzarlo" -
Vitor Belfort [MMA Fighter]

Liborio

Liborio
A la puerta de la gloria está San Pedro sentado y ve llegar a su lado a un hombre de cierta historia. No consigue hacer memoria y le pregunta con celo: ¿Quién eras allá en el suelo? Era Liborio mi nombre. Has sufrido mucho, hombre, entra, te has ganado el cielo.

Para Raul Castro

Cuba ocupa el penultimo lugar en el mundo en libertad economica solo superada por Corea del Norte.

Cuba ocupa el lugar 147 entre 153 paises evaluados en "Democracia, Mercado y Transparencia 2007"

Cuando vinieron

Cuando vinieron a buscar a los comunistas, Callé: yo no soy comunista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los sindicalistas, Callé: yo no soy sindicalista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los judíos, Callé: yo no soy judío. Cuando vinieron a buscar a los católicos, Callé: yo no soy “tan católico”.
Cuando vinieron a buscarme a mí, Callé: no había quien me escuchara.

Reverendo Martin Niemöller

Martha Colmenares

Martha Colmenares
Un sitio donde los hechos y sus huellas nos conmueven o cautivan
Bloggers Unite

CUBA LLORA Y EL MUNDO Y NOSOTROS NO ESCUCHAMOS

Donde esta el Mundo, donde los Democratas, donde los Liberales? El pueblo de Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan los Green, los Socialdemocratas, los Ricos y los Pobres, los Con Voz y Sin Voz? Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan el Jet Set, los Reyes y Principes, Patricios y Plebeyos? Cuba desesperada clama por solidaridad.
Donde Bob Dylan, donde Martin Luther King, donde Hollywood y sus estrellas? Donde la Middle Class democrata y conservadora, o acaso tambien liberal a ratos? Y Gandhi? Y el Dios de Todos?
Donde los Santos y Virgenes; los Dioses de Cristianos, Protestantes, Musulmanes, Budistas, Testigos de Jehova y Adventistas del Septimo Dia. Donde estan Ochun y todas las deidades del Panteon Yoruba que no acuden a nuestro llanto? Donde Juan Pablo II que no exige mas que Cuba se abra al Mundo y que el Mundo se abra a Cuba?
Que hacen ahora mismo Alberto de Monaco y el Principe Felipe que no los escuchamos? Donde Madonna, donde Angelina Jolie y sus adoptados around de world; o nos hara falta un Brando erguido en un Oscar por Cuba? Donde Sean Penn?
Donde esta la Aristocracia Obrera y los Obreros menos Aristocraticos, donde los Working Class que no estan junto a un pueblo que lanquidece, sufre y llora por la ignominia?
Que hacen ahora mismo Zapatero y Rajoy que no los escuchamos, y Harper y Dion, e Hillary y Obama; donde McCain que no los escuchamos? Y los muertos? Y los que estan muriendo? Y los que van a morir? Y los que se lanzan desesperados al mar?
Donde estan el minero cantabrico o el pescador de percebes gijonese? Los Canarios donde estan? A los africanos no los oimos, y a los australianos con su acento de hombres duros tampoco. Y aquellos chinos milenarios de Canton que fundaron raices eternas en la Isla? Y que de la Queen Elizabeth y los Lords y Gentlemen? Que hace ahora mismo el combativo Principe Harry que no lo escuchamos?
Donde los Rockefellers? Donde los Duponts? Donde Kate Moss? Donde el Presidente de la ONU? Y Solana donde esta? Y los Generales y Doctores? Y los Lam y los Fabelo, y los Sivio y los Fito Paez?
Y que de Canseco y Miñoso? Y de los veteranos de Bahia de Cochinos y de los balseros y de los recien llegados? Y Carlos Otero y Susana Perez? Y el Bola, y Pancho Cespedes? Y YO y TU?
Y todos nosotros que estamos aqui y alla rumiando frustaciones y resquemores, envidias y sinsabores; autoelogios y nostalgias, en tanto Louis Michel comulga con Perez Roque mientras Biscet y una NACION lanquidecen?
Donde Maceo, donde Marti; donde aquel Villena con su carga para matar bribones?
Cuba llora y clama y el Mundo NO ESCUCHA!!!

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