Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Medios de comunicion. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Medios de comunicion. Mostrar todas las entradas

lunes, agosto 26, 2013

Executive Editor of NYT Picks Cuba as Vacation Spot

www.nydailynews.com

In a long article bemoaning the fact that the new CEO of the New York Times likes to keep his eye on the newsroom, an interesting anecdote reveals executive editor Jill Abramson has a special vacation destination when she wants to unwind: Cuba.

Former BBC head Mark Thompson was hired in September of 2012 to take over as the CEO of the New York Times, but when he finally began to execute his duties, the paper's editors and writers found that he was making a habit of hanging around the newsroom. This was not to their liking.
"The Times’ reporters and editors, eager to hold on to the protocols of a legacy media world, hold quasi-religious views about the sanctity of the newsroom against the influence of business concerns," the article in New York Magazine notes. "The mere presence of a corporate suit among the journalists was like a belch in a cathedral nave."
The article is an amusing illustration of the "uneasiness" between the editors and journalists of the paper of record and their new overseer, who has taken the non-traditional tact of keeping his thumb directly on the denizens of the newsroom instead of observing the usual hands-off role most executive "suits" had obeyed in years past.
But one bit of info is telling. Executive editor Jill Abramson finds one of the most oppressive countries in the world to be a fitting vacation spot.
Deep in the story we find this passage (emphasis added):
In February, when the staff held farewell parties for two popular veteran (and, by Times standards, expensive) editors, Jon Landman and Jim Roberts, who had been encouraged to take buyouts, Abramson left on a trip to Cuba with her sister. "I remember at one point Jill announcing she was leaving on this vacation because she was exhausted by all the tension of the buyout," says a colleague. "Oh, I'm sorry, it was even harder for the people who were leaving."
So, here we learn that the executive editor of what is purported to be the premier American newspaper, the New York Times, thinks the oppresive Communist utopia of Cuba is the best place to unwind.

viernes, agosto 16, 2013

Ecuador: más vigilancia sobre medios

Giselle Jacome - Quito, Ecuador
El gobierno de Ecuador anunció la creación de un Laboratorio de Comunicación y Derechos, que tendrá como objetivos fundamental detectar  y prevenir los mensajes que induzcan a la violencia, discriminación o racismo en los medios de comunicación con la finalidad de proteger los derechos humanos.

El organismo controlará las noticias y publicidad que se difundan en los medios y publicará informes semanales y mensuales que serán discutidos a través de un blog.

La iniciativa fue propuesta por la concejal Marcela Miranda, representante del Consejo de Participación Ciudadana y Control Social y forma parte de las disposiciones de la nueva Ley Orgánica de Comunicación que fue publicada el pasado 25 de junio.

La nueva ley ha generado varias críticas desde los medios que se consideran libres y democráticos.

Cesar Ricaurte de Fundamedios, que el estado está proponiendo una vigilancia sobre los ciudadanos, cuando en realidad “son más bien los ciudadanos los que tenemos que vigilar al Estado y no el Estado vigilar a los ciudadanos. Esta es la gran diferencia entre un Estado realmente democrático y un Estado autoritario o incluso totalitario”.

La Superintendencia de Telecomunicaciones informó también que las frecuencias que no estén siendo usadas por sus concesionarios deberán ser devueltas al estado.

Tras la promulgación de la nueva ley Orgánica de Comunicación el pasado 25 de junio, las estaciones radiales y de televisión tenían 30 días para declarar de manera juramentada la actividad que realizan con sus frecuencias. El superintendente subrogante del este organismo Claudio Rosas mencionó que 777 concesionarios ya lo han hecho.

martes, agosto 13, 2013

Raul Castro's Incivility [Washington Post Editorial Board]

From The Washington Post's Editorial Board:

Raul Castro’s empty talk on civility in Cuba

President Raul Castro of Cuba delivered a speech to the National Assembly last month in which he lamented the demise of Cuban culture and civility. He railed against bad behavior, from building houses without permits to shouting and swearing in the streets, from dodging bus fares to painting grafitti. “Living in society entails, in the first place, accepting rules that preserve respect for decency and the rights of others,” he declared.

The rights of others? Civility? Seven days after Mr. Castro spoke these words, the civil society group Ladies in White went on a march for freedom and human rights in Matanzas province. They’ve done this before, on other Sundays, in other towns. A group of Cuban government supporters forcefully cut off the march and proceeded to beat and harass the members of the group, which was founded by the wives, mothers, sisters and daughters of 75 political prisoners who were jailed in a crackdown a decade ago. The attack was just the latest harassment and intimidation of Cuban dissidents.

The kind of civility that is recognized all over the world as basic dignity — the freedom to speak and associate, to choose one’s leaders, to live without fearing a regime’s security services — is not on Mr. Castro’s mind. His regime continues to threaten and persecute those who dare challenge its legitimacy.

One of the most passionate dissidents in Cuba until his death last year was Oswaldo Payá, champion of a campaign to advance democracy with a national referendum. On July 22, 2012, he died in a car wreck along with Harold Cepero, the leader of the youth wing of Mr. Payá’s Christian Liberation Movement. The driver of the car in which they were riding was Ángel Carromero, a young Spanish politician who was visiting Cuba. Mr. Carromero told us in March that the car was rammed from behind by a vehicle which carried government license plates, after which he lost control of the vehicle.

Mr. Carromero has now raised fresh questions about the car wreck in an interview with the Spanish newspaper El Mundo, suggesting that Mr. Payáand Mr. Cepero may have been alive when they were brought to a local hospital and only died later, perhaps at the hands of a state that did not wish them well. He has no hard evidence, but suspicions linger. The family of Mr. Payá was never given an autopsy report.

The most significant unanswered questions are: Who rammed the car on a wide and flat road that day? And why? Mr. Carromero’s latest comments reinforce the need for a thorough investigation. We were heartened to see that the new U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, Samantha Power, last week raised with the Cuban foreign minister the need for a credible investigation into Mr. Payá’s death. A similar demand came from the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Robert Menendez (D-N.J.). Perhaps it is too much to suggest that Mr. Castro might allow a genuine investigation into these tragic deaths, no matter where it leads. That would be truly civil.

viernes, agosto 09, 2013

Antunez en conversatorio con el board del Herald


Top 10 Questions Journalists Won't Ask President Obama at Press Conference

President Barack Obama rarely makes himself available to the mainstream media. They adore him anyway. At rare press conferences, such as the one scheduled for noon Friday at the White House, they lob softball questions or accept his evasive, meandering answers, rarely pressing him for clarity, much less truth. But there are many questions that the president ought to answer, yet which he is unlikely to face at all.

10. In 2008 you promised not to "do an end-run around Congress" with signing statements. Yet you have used signing statements and you have taken executive actions to circumvent Congress on immigration and other issues. Recently, you decided the employer mandate will not be enforced on October 1. Yet that date is stipulated by law. Doesn't the Obamacare delay violate your powers under the Constitution?
9. Last week we learned that dozens of CIA personnel were in Benghazi at the time of the attack, and that there may be ongoing efforts to suppress information about what actually happened. In October 2012, you said that you issued three directives when you learned of the attack, yet these have never been seen. What did you actually do during the Benghazi attack, and why weren't you more actively involved?
8. Last month, IRS officials testified to Congress that IRS Chief Counsel William J. Wilkins, whom you appointed, was directly involved in reviewing applications for non-profit status by Tea Party groups. He also met with you in April 2012, prior to issuing new "Be on the Lookout" (BOLO) criteria for evaluating such applications. What was your personal knowledge of the IRS scrutiny of conservative groups?
7. Recently your administration launched a new round of peace negotiations between Israel and Palestinian leaders. Israel had repeatedly said that it would negotiate without preconditions, but Palestinian leaders would not. Your administration, through Secretary of State John Kerry, pressed Israel to release 104 terrorists from Israeli jails. Was there a single new concession you demanded from Palestinians?
6. You have publicly dressed down the U.S. military on the issue of sexual assault. In the 2012 campaign, you were very involved in specific controversies, even calling Sandra Fluke, for example. Yet you have refused to say anything about the conduct of a fellow Democrat, Mayor Bob Filner of San Diego, who refuses to resign. Aren't you setting a bad example on sexual assault, as commander-in-chief, in the Filner case?
5. Edward Snowden has continued to reveal new information about the National Security Agency's abilities to gather information about Americans' private communications. Leaving aside the question of whether the government should have that power, or whether you have broken past promises on civil liberties, the fact that these leaks happened at all is striking. Why is Gen. Keith Alexander still the head of the NSA?
4. Recently you announced that you were canceling a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, over the Snowden issue and gay rights. Yet last month, even after Putin indicated he might offer Snowden asylum, you were still offering drastic cuts in America's nuclear arsenal. It looks like the "reset" with Russia is a failure, after so many concessions. Isn't it time to stop offering new cuts to U.S. nuclear weapons?
3. You are backing the Senate immigration bill, which passed because Democrats agreed to include border security measures. Regardless of whether those measures are sufficient, they depend on a commitment to enforce the law as written. Yet you have refused to enforce existing immigration laws, even imposing a so-called "Dream Act" by fiat. Why should Americans trust you to enforce a new immigration law?
2. You campaigned on the promise to fight the Taliban in Afghanistan. Yet you have helped the Taliban open a new office in Qatar, complicating relations with President Hamid Karzai, and recently suggested that there could be a "zero option" in Afghanistan. Meanwhile, as the U.S. withdraws, Al Qaeda is on the offensive across the region, and might return. Are we not repeating the mistakes of the past in Afghanistan?
1. You are about to head into a new round of budget negotiations. Some Republicans leaders have suggested that they are willing to offer concessions on the budget sequester if you commit to entitlement reform. You have spoken in theory about making some cuts but have never presented a plan, on paper, and have rejected all suggestions, even the Simpson-Bowles commission. Where is your plan to reform entitlements?
Bonus question: Last month, you spoke at length about how the African-American community views the death of Trayvon Martin case. You also asked people to respect the decision of the jury. Yet your Department of Justice is still aggressively investigating George Zimmerman, who is living in hiding, though all previous investigations showed no racial bias. Aren't you violating Zimmerman's civil rights?

jueves, julio 25, 2013

Cuba: Civility, schmivility | Fausta

The NYTimes has an opinion article, For Cuba, a Harsh Self-Assessment that deplores the decline in “gentility and respect”, echoing Raul Castro’s “get off my lawn” speech of two weeks ago. The article doesn’t question Raul’s premise,
“I have the bitter sensation that we are a society that is ever better educated, but not necessarily more enlightened,” Mr. Castro said.
Ever better educated? You mean like the doctors sent to Brazil and the Jamaican nurses, which were rejected because they don’t meet basic job requirements?
All through the article, the message is that the golden age of Communism brought free healthcare and education back when “a state salary was enough to live on without needing to pilfer.” Of course, Fidel Castro himself repeated incessantly that under him, Cubans are “the most cultured people in the world,” even the prostitutes, while redoing the excellent, definitive Don Quijote de la Mancha 4th Centenary edition by the Real Academia Española. Fidel had Hugo Chavez abridge it, remove the essay “Una novela para el siglo XXI” by long-time foe Mario Vargas Llosa, and replaced that essay with a short preface by José Saramago, a much friendlier Communist. The Communist regime can’t have “the most cultured people in the world” exposed to an essay which essence is that Don Quijote’s a free men’s novel.
Blame the Americans? Oh yeah,
Cuba sets great store by its cultural prestige. After the 1959 revolution, the government set out to purge the decadence that made Havana a magnet for Americans, among others. The state started a national literacy campaign, offered free education to all and established rigorous sports, ballet and music programs.
Because, you know, the Americans are the ones attracted to the decadence. Unlike, of course, the Canadian and Spanish pervs who go today to Havana for the sex trade.
The article posts a photo of shirtless men slaughtering a pig on a sidewalk, under the most unsanitary conditions,
with the caption (emphasis added)
A pig being slaughtered in a tourist area of old Havana is seen as a sign of a loss of civility.
when in fact it is emblematic of the decay of Cuban culture under Communism. Carlos Erie, who lived in Cuba and remembers, lets it rip,
Proof positive of the ignorance and prejudice that govern the thinking of those who write and publish such poison is evident in the photo above. The caption under the photo is the one used by the NYT. Notice, please, that slaughtering a pig on the street is merely “seen” as a “sign” of loss of civility. It’s not really a loss, but is merely “seen” as such by some Cubans. And, notice, that the act itself is not “seen” as a loss of civility, but as a mere “sign” — which means, of course, that it’s not just the behavior that is open to interpretation, but also the act of passing judgment on it. Notice, too, that the slaughtering is described as taking place in a “tourist” area of Old Havana. One must assume that it would be perfectly alright in some other area where tourists don’t dare to go, and that this is something Cubans have been doing for centuries in their own benighted slums. It is also assumed that this is somehow normal for Cubans: to go shirtless in “tourist” areas. Savages.
The Times will never disappoint you . . . if all you expect them to do is echo Raul’s propaganda.

¿Dónde está Trayvon?: Dos adolescentes negros estrangulan hasta la muerte a una niña de 12 años y arrojan su cuerpo a un contenedor de basura

La pequeña Autumn.
Autumn Pasquale, de 12 años de edad, desapareció el sábado pasado tras salir con su bicicleta BMX a visitar a un amigo en la localidad norteamericana de Clayton, en New Jersey, donde la pequeña vive con su familia. Al no regresar, su familia informó a la policía de su desaparición el sabado por la noche.
Cerca de 200 agentes policiales y decenas de voluntarios buscaron a la pequeña. Tras dos días de intensa búsqueda, un agente de la policía halló el cuerpo sin vida de la pequeña dentro de un contenedor de basura, a muy pocos kilómetros de la casa de Autumn.
La investigadores confirmaron que la joven fue estrangulada, aunque no presentaba ningún signo de abusos sexuales.
Tras las investigaciones, dos hermanos de raza negra, Justin Robinson y Dante Robinson, de 15 y 17 años, han sido detenidos como los principales sospechosos de la muerte por estrangulamiento de la pequeña.
La madre de los adolescentes se puso en contacto con la policía luego de leer un mensaje en la cuenta de facebook de uno de sus hijos, que la hizo sospechar de que estviera relacionado con la muerte de Autumn.
Los asesinos de la pequeña.
Paul Spadafora, tío de la niña dijo que “hemos perdido a una niña preciosa”. El contenedor donde se halló el cuerpo sin vida de la niña se ha convertido en un punto de encuentro de familiares y amigos, que depositan sus flores en el lugar del crimen.
Completamente destrozados por los trágicos acontecimientos, los padres de Autumn, Anthony Pasquale y Jennifer Cornwell, han agradecido a sus vecinos de la pequeña localidad estadounidense el apoyo en la búsqueda de su hija.
La mayoría de los medios informativos de EEUU han ignorado este escalofrante suceso.

martes, julio 23, 2013

ABC News' Kate O'Brian Picked as President of Al Jazeera America

With the announcement that Kate O'Brian of ABC News will take over as president of the fledgling cable network, Al Jazeera America has bagged another high-profile name in American journalism.

O'Brian moves from senior vice president of news-gathering operations at ABC to helm Al Jazeera America, just ahead of the network's 2013 debut in the former slot held by Al Gore's Current TV Network.
"Al Jazeera America will demonstrate that quality journalism is alive and well in the United States," O'Brian said in a statement about her new position.
Last December, Gore sold his cable network to Al Jazeera just ahead of Obama's new tax changes, netting the former Vice President a profit of more than $100 million.
Joining ABC's O'Brian in leadership roles at Al Jazeera will be two CNN and one CBS operative.
David Doss, formerly a senior executive producer for CNN's Anderson Cooper 360, and Shannon High-Bassalik, another CNN producer, have been tapped as senior vice president for news programming and senior vice president of documentaries and programs, respectively.
Also, former CBS News exec Marcy McGinness, who most recently has been teaching, will be joining the start-up network as its senior vice-president for newsgathering.
In the same announcement of the new hires, Al Jazeera also announced that executive director for international operations, Ehab Al Shihabi, has also been promoted to interim chief executive officer of Al Jazeera America.
Recently, the new network's parent company, Al Jazeera News, saw a spate of resignations of employees upset over the pro-Muslim Brotherhood bias that the Qatar-based network has shown in its coverage of the recent developments in Egypt.
In May, the nascent network announced that it wanted to hire "800 American journalists"; it since has hired several high-profile Americans such as one-time NBC correspondent Michael Viqueira, former CNN business reporter Ali Velshi, and former CNN host Soledad O'Brien.

martes, junio 25, 2013

Ecuador 'socializa' el 67% de los medios con nueva Ley de Comunicación

vieja piedra en el zapato de correa. los medios de comunicacion privados han sido desde su primera investidura presidencial los verdaderos enemigos politicos del doctor presidente.
----------------------------- 
La Ley Orgánica de Comunicación de Ecuador, que el presidente de la República, Rafael Correa, ratificó el pasado 21 de junio, ha entrado en vigor este martes al publicarse en el Registro Oficial y ha sustituido a la antigua Ley de Radiodifusión que, con modificaciones en 1996 y 2002, seguía en vigencia desde la dictadura (1975), según ha informado la agencia Andes.
La norma, aprobada por la mayoría absoluta en el Congreso de Ecuador, establece el reparto de frecuencias y licencias de radio y televisión, concediendo un 34 por ciento para los medios comunitarios, un 33 por ciento para el sector público y un 33 por ciento para los privados con fines de lucro, según el diario ecuatoriano La Hora.
La ley plantea también la creación de un consejo de regulación, integrado en su mayoría por representantes del sector público, que deberá regular el contenido de los medios relacionados con violencia o que sean discriminatorios y podrá imponer sanciones, lo que ha provocado críticas de empresarios y periodistas en Ecuador.
La Relatoría Especial para la Libertad de Expresión de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CoIDH) y La Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO) han expresado su preocupación por los cambios legales impulsados por el Gobierno.
Además de diversos medios y asociaciones de periodistas, el Departamento de Estado estadounidense también se ha mostrado intranquilo por la posibilidad de que la nueva ley pueda dañar "la libertad de prensa" y que se limite "el ejercicio de los medios independientes".
Correa ha reiterado que la Ley de Comunicación garantiza el derecho a la información y ha negado que el objetivo sea que el Estado tome en propiedad a los medios.

martes, junio 11, 2013

Time Magazine and the Enshrining of Mayor Rahm Emanuel: Can a Media Hero Do Any Wrong?

Mayor Rahm Emanuel, at the helm of arguably the most corrupt city in the nation, has an image challenge. He has created enemies left, right, and center in the name of budget cuts while racking up spending on pet projects for the 1% like a maze of protected bike lanes through the city. His notorious temper and connections to the embattled Obama “Chicago Way” Administration risk forever tainting his turn in charge.

Enter Time magazine, whose June 10 cover story on Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel presents a controversial figure who, though under attack, is made of heroic mettle, and therefore impervious to petty questions about school closings and massive government expenditures. No, with Time’s help, Rahm will be protected by the media in the same way so many others before him have: through a sort of enshrinement afforded to a “character” like him.
Time’s piece, “Rahm’s Kind of Town,” opens by posturing Emanuel in a battle of biblical and epic proportions against fellow Democrats, comparing it to the likes of “Cain and Abel, the Yorks and Lancasters, and Michael and Fredo Corleone.” The latter is perhaps a nod to his nickname, the “Godfather.”
The Time piece is replete with references to his “Godfather” image, referring to him as “the guy who has picked the fights his predecessors avoided.” Time’s cover is equally bold, presenting him as a tough guy in black and white, dominating the gritty city scene behind him.
Mayor Daley was always said to “get the roads plowed,” and with this, he was issued a monumental pass for his mobster-like rule over the city. A tactic that worked, and that Rahm appears to be pursuing aggressively.
Time provides a factual account of the trials and tribulations of Emanuel’s first two rocky years, from the seven-day teacher strike in 2012, record-high homicides and violence, to the furor of black communities against him, so many of whose children’s schools are shuttered by the Mayor’s School Board. However, Time misses a beat when it comes to dealing with devastation and ongoing plight in Chicago’s poorer-urban-black communities, and the foreclosure housing crisis within.
Rahm must be more than aware that positioning himself as making epic decisions will work to his advantage, telling Time: “the decisions we make in the next two to three years will determine the face of Chicago for the next 20 to 30 years.”
Decisions like his massive infrastructure plan “Chicago Forward,” funded by a public-private trust, which is estimated to reach at least $7 billion as the city faces an annual $650 million deficit under his management.
Time moves from detailing the tough decisions Rahm faces to setting him up as even worthy of consideration for the highest office in the land. Time questions the Mayor on whether or not he will run for president, to which he responds, “No. I'm not. Never. It is not happening. I don't know how else to say it. No.” 
"I'm done with that," he said of Washington's gridlock and posturing. "I worked eight years in the White House for two great Presidents. They talk about things they want to do--I'm doing it. This is the happiest I've ever been in public life. I've always wanted to be mayor.”
Never mind the fact that in no way would any Democrat operative in their right mind impose yet another Chicago wastrel on the nation at this time; this is about setting Rahm up as a heavy hitter, a man who turned down the presidency of the United States, no less.
Throughout the piece, Time continues to beat the presidential drum, referring to Rahm’s presidential qualities that “evoke Clinton, in the way he rattles off statistics… and like Clinton, he knows how to schmooze to get what he wants.” Time continues [emphasis mine]:
At the same time, he has taken on some very large issues, the kind Presidents give speeches about: education reform, job creation, unsafe streets. Revealing the stripes of a pragmatic, pro-business New Democrat, the mayor lengthened the school day for Chicago's elementary and high school students, reorganized the city's enormous system of community colleges to emphasize job-skills training and established an infrastructure trust to allow private investment in public-works projects. All of these are popular ideas among some Democratic policy mavens, but no other mayor has taken them so far, so fast.
Rahm says he “is a wonk trapped in a hack’s body.” This, Time posits, “blends into a 21st century version of the classic urban boss,” alluding to time spent working for former Chicago Mayor Richard Daley, who was known for continuing the legacy of his father Richard J. Daley’s “political machine,” which others called an organized crime syndicate.  
If Rahm is seeking the same media protection Daley received, his description of a very Daley-like tactic will help things along. He explained to Time how he got Chicago universities to partner with local high schools:
"Each of those college presidents has construction projects they want to complete," he explains. "I just told them if they would help me, I'd have someone walk their plans through the permit process." They all assented, though he didn't have to say what might happen to those permits should they refuse.
Time finishes off its piece with a quote from the Chicago mobster movie, The Untouchables: “you wait until the fight is over. One guy is left standing. And that's how you know who won."
Perhaps you wait to see who writes the story of who won, and that’s how you know just how far Chicago’s tentacles have reached. Witness: Time.

jueves, junio 06, 2013

PDVSA le pagaba a Mario Silva Bs.200 millones mensuales como empleado

Aexconductor del programa televisivo La Hojilla, Mario Silva García, que hasta hace unas semanas era transmitido por la señal de Venezolana de Televisión (VTV), PDVSA le depositaba mensualmente 200 millones de bolívares, como “sueldo” por el programa, según se desprende de unas cuentas que fueron dadas a conocer del Banco del Tesoro.
La entidad petrolera venezolana le depositaba al conductor televisivo la suma mensual de 200 millones de bolívares,  como  empleado de nómina de nuestra filial petrolera.
Se dice que también PDVSA le financió en su oportunidad la construcción y equipamiento de su radio y televisora, ubicados en su casa, en El Junquito. También cancelaban los montos de protección de los 32 guardaespaldas quienes ejercían turnos de 24 x 48 horas contando para desplazarse con 12 motos de alta cilindrada y tres camionetas blindadas. Análisis24.com

lunes, mayo 27, 2013

Cuba iniciará las pruebas para introducir progresivamente la televisión digital

A partir del próximo mes de junio se establecerá una "zona de demostración" del servicio de televisión digital terrestre en la capital cubana para realizar pruebas de trasmisión de señales y su recepción en hogares en condiciones reales, según la nota oficial publicada en el diario Granma, órgano oficial del Partido Comunista cubano.
Para estas pruebas se aplicará la norma china de Transmisión Digital Terrestre Multimedia (DTMB, por su sigla en inglés) y se utilizarán equipos donados por el gigante asiático.
Cuba desarrolla la transferencia de la televisión analógica a un sistema digital como parte de los acuerdos firmados entre los Gobiernos de La Habana y Pekín para fomentar la cooperación tecnológica.
La "zona de demostración" posibilitará adaptar "medidas técnicas, económicas y organizativas" para continuar posteriormente "el despliegue" de la televisión digital de manera "escalonada" y por regiones en todo el país, de acuerdo con las posibilidades económicas.
En los barrios seleccionados se distribuirán cajas decodificadoras, que permiten recibir y visualizar la señal digital en los televisores actuales en barrios seleccionados con el fin de lograr una adecuada dispersión geográfica y diferentes condiciones de recepción dentro de toda el área de La Habana, indica la nota.
Por tratarse de una prueba, estos dispositivos se entregarán a un precio de 7,35 pesos cubanos (poco más de 27 centavos de pesos convertibles cubanos equivalentes a igual cifra en dólares), en concepto de distribución y servicio técnico, sin cobrar el costo del equipo.
El Ministerio de Comunicaciones asegura que las transmisiones actuales de señales de televisión que utilizan la tecnología analógica se mantendrán sin alteraciones.
Cuba anunció en marzo pasado que ya estaba "preparada" para aplicar "exitosamente" una prueba de televisión digital en una "zona de demostración" con un método desarrollado por especialistas chinos, durante un Foro Internacional de televisión digital que se celebró en La Habana.
Un funcionario del Instituto cubano de Investigación y Desarrollo de Telecomunicaciones (Lacetel) dijo entonces que en la isla se impulsa la transferencia de la televisión analógica a un sistema digital bajo la norma china "al servicio de las necesidades de la sociedad".

viernes, mayo 17, 2013

Letterman: 'I Don't Make Jokes About Obama Because I Don't Want FBI Tapping My Phone'

DAVID LETTERMAN: Have you folks been paying attention to what's going on in Washington? Neither have I. It's crazy. In a matter of, like, six weeks, three big scandals, and it looks like President Obama and all his buddies in the White House may go to prison. Finally, some good news for the Romney campaign. Yes! It's about time. People always say this to me, they say, "Hey, Letterman," they say. "Why don't you make jokes about Obama?" And I say, “All right, I'll tell you why. Good question. Oh, you want to know why? Okay. I don't make jokes about him because I don't want the FBI tapping my phone, my phone. That's why.” 

martes, mayo 14, 2013

Peter Worthington: "If you are reading this, I am dead"

torontoist.com
If you are reading this, I am dead.
How’s that for a lead?
Guarantees you read on, at least for a bit.
When the Sun’s George Gross died suddenly in March 2008, at age 85, there were few of his contemporaries left alive to recall the old days, when he was in his prime and his world was young. I was one of the few who knew him then.
After attending his funeral I half-facetiously remarked to the Toronto Sun’s deputy managing editor, Al Parker, that I had been around so long that no one was left who knew me back then, and I had better write my own obituary.
“Good idea!” said Parker with more enthusiasm than I appreciated.
I mentioned it to my wife, Yvonne, who approved.
So here it is, not exactly an obit but a reflection back on a life and a career that I had never planned, but which unfolded in a way that I’ve never regretted.
Journalism never entered my mind when I was younger. I suppose my father’s colourful life before entering the army in the First World War affected my outlook. He had been orphaned at age 10, worked as a water boy in a Mexican silver mine and witnessed his half-brother, superintendent at the mine, killed by the Mexican bandit Pancho Villa. My dad went to sea, became a ship’s engineer, was in the 1906 San Francisco earthquake, fought in Central American wars (Nicaragua, Honduras) before heading off to serve in the First World War. Passing through Montreal, he enlisted in the Black Watch as a private, and returned in 1919 as a captain with a Military Cross and Bar, and a Military Medal and Bar.
As a kid, there was no way I could match that for adventure, and in my teens dreaded anything that was mindful of a staid, inside job. I worked on construction sites during the war and at 15 ran away from home to join the merchant navy, but was rejected. At 17, my mother signed consensual papers for me to enlist in the navy — Fleet Air Arm, as it turned out. I later got a commission and at 18 was the youngest and least competent sub-lieutenant in the Royal Canadian Navy Volunteer Reserve.
On discharge in Vancouver, I used veteran credits to attend the University of British Columbia. I hadn’t finished high school in Ontario, but, by the time UBC learned that, I had passed the first year, so they let me continue. I spent more time missing classes than I did studying, and by the time the Korean War started in 1950, my only achievement was winning the university’s light-heavyweight boxing title and the Golden Gloves.
I joined the army as a lieutenant and went to Korea as a platoon commander, later became battalion intelligence officer, and then went on loan to the U.S. Air Force to join a Mosquito squadron, flying in the rear seat of Harvard planes to direct air strikes onto Chinese targets. It was felt infantry officers could read maps better than pilots, and understood ground defensive positions better.
When the war ended, I had mild depression. What to do now? I still yearned for an adventurous life, but the world had changed since my father’s youth.
Rumour was that the French were hiring experienced infantry officers to serve in Indochina at $1,000 a month. I applied through the French embassy in Tokyo, and got a terse “Cher Lieutenant” letter that said the rumour was false, but I could join the Foreign Legion for five years as a private. In time for Dien Bien Phu, perhaps. I returned to Canada, took parachute training, joined the Princess Pats Mobile Strike Force, then quit the army.
What to do? I returned to UBC (on veteran credits), got a Bachelor of Arts degree and applied to the Vancouver Province to be a sports writer. I was considered unqualified for that, but was hired as a news reporter at $35 a month. I spent the summer of 1954 trying to get a byline and failed, until the city editor, Tom Hazlitt, took pity and re-wrote my story with my byline.
I went east to Ottawa’s Carleton College for a journalism degree, won a couple of graduation prizes and was hired by the Toronto Telegram as a reporter by the paper’s acerbic city editor, Art Cole, who seemed to expect every reporter to have an excuse not to cover an assignment, and was suspicious of those who were eager to work.
Shortly after joining the Tely, the Soviet Union invaded Hungary, and the Suez War erupted. When the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) was authorized to go to Gaza, I took courage in hand and asked managing editor J. Douglas MacFarlane to send me.
He refused outright, and said a rookie reporter would never be sent on such an assignment. I replied that I had recently left the army, that I knew many of the soldiers involved, could get exclusive stuff, that I’d go on my holidays, charge no expenses, arrange my own way. Everything free for the Tely.
It was an offer MacFarlane couldn’t refuse. I went, and the stories worked out.
It set the pattern for my future at the Tely, and was an argument for enterprise.
Soon after my return, the U.S. Marines landed in Lebanon to prevent a coup.
As the Tely reporter who had most recently been to the Middle East, I was the automatic choice this time, since my UNEF stuff had been acceptable (and cost nothing).
In the middle of the Lebanon crisis, Baghdad erupted with King Faisal and his family being assassinated. With another reporter, I hired a taxi in Damascus and we headed east across the roadless desert to Baghdad. I was first to report from Iraq.
At the same time, British paratroopers had landed in Jordan to protect King Hussein from a coup, supposedly being planned by Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser.
I headed to Amman, after interviewing Brig-Gen. Abdul Karim Kassem who staged the coup in Iraq.
An hour after arriving in Amman, I went to the king’s palace to apply for an interview and got mixed up with a group of German businessmen who were to meet King Hussein. I joined them, and by the time the king realized I was an interloper, it was too late and he tolerated my presence.
My success started a stampede of other journalists, who had been waiting weeks for an interview, to the palace. For me, it was a realization that for journalists, reconnaissance can be valuable, and that it’s better to be lucky than good.
For the next 15 years, I covered every major war, crisis or revolution in the world. I was reluctant to take holidays for fear of missing a foreign crisis. Not in any particular order, I covered the Algerian war of independence, the Congo, Angola insurgency, Jews fleeing Morocco, the Dalai Lama’s escape from Tibet, the coup in Laos, the Vietnam War, Indonesia’s invasion of Dutch New Guinea, India versus Pakistan, China’s invasion of India, Israel’s 1967 defeat of Egypt, China shelling Taiwan, riots in Belgium, civil disturbance in France, the mutiny of the Foreign Legion in Algeria, and so on.
In the early days, when attending a crisis, my method was to start with a colour story, like getting roughed up by angry crowds, or confronting the police or the army, and gradually learning the politics of what was happening. At the end of each assignment, I liked to do a five-part series on what it all meant, ending with a prediction of what the future would bring — which I still feel is important, as the reporter learns to analyze.
Those years were enormously stimulating and satisfying — being at the centre of the hurricane, or most newsworthy story of the moment. I relished being in the centre of action, with adrenalin flowing, and motivated by being able to write about it the same day, and going to another adventure the next day.
All at the publisher’s expense. A huge privilege.
The endless travel cost me my first marriage, since the job took precedence — especially when I went to Moscow to open the bureau for the Toronto Telegram in the mid-1960s. Before that, the Tely wanted to open a bureau in China. The Chinese had indicated approval, and I spent a couple of months in Hong Kong waiting for a visa.
The Chinese eventually rejected me — not, as I had feared, because I had been a soldier in the Korean War but because I showed too much enthusiasm and had co-operated with the Americans in bombing Chinese troops.
My wife, Helen, understandably didn’t want an absentee husband. We divorced and she bettered herself by marrying a judge, and living happily. I later married a Tely reporter, Yvonne Crittenden, whose husband had run off with another Tely staffer (Caligula’s court in those days), and we all benefitted accordingly.
When President John Kennedy was assassinated, I was one of a team of Tely reporters dispatched to Washington. I went on to Dallas for the arraignment of Lee Harvey Oswald, accused assassin of JFK.
An hour after arriving in Dallas on the redeye flight from Washington, I checked out the Dallas police station and inadvertently stumbled into the underground garage where the cops (who mistook me for an FBI agent) were ready to transport Lee Harvey Oswald to the jail. I was there when Jack Ruby emerged from the crowd and shot Oswald. I appear briefly on TV shots of the killing, but it doesn’t stand out in my memory as a watershed moment.
When the Tely folded in 1971 and the Sun started, I was one of the lucky ones who had been offered a job at The Toronto Star. “You’ll never like it — you’re not a Star person,” said Yvonne, who had worked at The Star and been reamed out by the city editor (Bill Drylie) for using shorthand, which he called “chicken tracks.” He’d tolerate no reporter “who did chicken tracks.”
Instead of joining the Star, I teamed up with Doug Creighton and Don Hunt in starting the Toronto Sun, with me as executive editor and then editor-in-chief. I nursed no desire to be editor, and always felt reporting was an honourable job. To me, good reporters were more valuable than mediocre editors, and should get paid accordingly. As editor, I had strong views on what editorials should be — one handed (no on this, that or the other hand), a strong point of view, marshal your arguments, and let others challenge them.
If, later, you change your mind, acknowledge it and inform the reader. I liked irreverence, eccentricity, controversy, cheerfulness, mischief and independent thinking. These could be found in columnists if one knew where to look.
Editorially, the Sun challenged the policies of Pierre Trudeau — his dislike of the military, his empathy for communism, his admiration of dictators (Mao Zedong, Fidel Castro), his lust for a written constitution and so on. The Sun became a lightning rod for those uneasy about Trudeau, at a time when Trudeaumania was rampant.
Trudeau’s dislike of the Sun overflowed when I was charged with violating the Official Secrets Act for revealing 16 cases of Soviet subversion of Canadians at a time when Trudeau insisted the Soviet Union was Canada’s friend. After a year of preliminary hearings, the judge dismissed the case.
I had been looking forward to the trial, which I thought was winnable. Publisher Creighton quipped at the time that he was pleased the charges were dismissed “but my co-accused is going to appeal.”
During this tense period, the Sun’s circulation rose by some 30,000. Hitherto leftist critics evidently felt we couldn’t be all bad if the RCMP were taking aim at us.
In 1982, I quit the Sun’s board of directors and gave up the editorship when we voted — with one dissenting voice (mine) — to sell ourselves to Maclean-Hunter, thus trading our independence for financial security. I stayed at the Sun, writing a column, until my erstwhile partner, Publisher Creighton, fired me because The Star ran a front-page item quoting me on a book tour in Edmonton saying rival papers covered hard news better than the Sun.
What I had said was that the Sun ran opinion columns and had diversity, and let readers decide what they want to read, but if it’s only hard news one wants, buy a rival paper. I always felt Doug had acted impetuously, and then couldn’t back down. This was 1984. I went to the Financial Post as a columnist — until Doug was quoted in The Globe and Mail in 1988 saying I’d be the first editor of the new Ottawa Sun that was due to start.
Yvonne and I were in Nova Scotia at the time. More impetuousness from Doug.
I went back to the boy scout stuff — three times to Angola with the Jonas Savimbi’s UNITA movement, fighting the Soviet-Cuban Marxist regime; attending Eritrea’s war of independence from Ethiopia in 1988, and then returning in 1998 for another border war with Ethiopia.
In short, I’d argue I had a glorious, stimulating and rewarding life — maybe not the same as my father’s, but longer, and in its way, more varied.
I feel a bit as one of the characters in the great movie The Man Who Would Be King who says that he and his friend may not have amounted to much, but think of the things they’ve seen, and the memories they have. I feel similarly.
Looking back, it was a privilege to have stayed at the jungle hospital of Dr. Albert Schweitzer in Gabon and conferred with the great man; also interviewing and visiting the Dalai Lama, first when he escaped from Tibet in 1959, and later at his Indian retreat of Dharamsala in 1962; and interview the likes of Nasser, Nehru, Chiang Kai-shek, Lumumba, Jomo Kenyata, Indira Ghandi, Alan Paton, Joe Louis and such.
I treasure being with Heinrich Harrar, author of Seven Years in Tibet, in Dutch New Guinea where the stone-age Dani people had only recently been discovered. They used seashells as money and had not yet invented pottery.
It was nerve-wracking in 1967 to be mistaken for an Israeli prisoner by a Cairo mob and punched and battered until rescued by a brave Egyptian who defied the mob.
There were the lethal streets of Algiers, where daily assassinations took place, and occasionally the French army opened fire on civilians. One afternoon a bullet went through the sleeve of my jacket and I didn’t know it until others pointed it out.
Prague, when Soviet tanks invaded, and the great distance runner, Emil Zatopek, ran the streets, preaching resistance to the Soviets, and then racing to the next rallying point, always a pace ahead of the Red Army.
Being jailed in Luanda and deported to Mozambique, at a time when Portuguese reprisals were underway in Angola.
There is the image of Patrice Lumumba being hustled out of the Ghanaian officers mess in Leopoldville, to save him from assassination by a raging mob. And then Lumumba giving a press conference while under house arrest — and escaping at night to attend rallies in his name.
More memories: Ojukwu, in Biafra, with brand-new shoes and smoking State Express cigarettes, as Ben Wicks was scolded for having his hands in his pocket while in the presence of “His Excellency.”
Of Albert Schweitzer whacking a leper not-so-gently on the head for not chipping faster at a huge rock from which he was making gravel.
Of Laos, boasting proportionately the most Mercedes cars in the world in a country with only 24 km of paved roads — and a dead king being preserved in a tree trunk filled with honey for one year until burial.
Of Dr. Tom Dooley, sick with terminal cancer, wanting me to rent an aircraft for him to fly to his jungle hospital for a farewell visit.
Of meeting the Beatles in Hong Kong — and not knowing who they were or why the city was going berserk over their presence there.
A fond memory is the RCMP searching my cluttered office for a letter by the head of RCMP security to then-prime minister Trudeau complaining against the PM’s dictum that security checks of Quebecers should not include questions about separatism.
Bob Johnstone of the CBC, looking through the glass window with other TV journalists, quipped that the office was so cluttered “the RCMP may not find a letter, but they may lose a Mountie.”
After checking under the coffee table, chairs, behind pictures on the wall, rifling through books for the letter, they found it a couple of hours later in the upper left hand drawer of my desk.
These, and more, are the products of a career in journalism, and are part of what made it worthwhile. And I’ve not even mentioned Olga, the exotic defector from the KGB in Moscow, or the rewarding aberration of running for a seat in parliament and having the distinction of losing in the greatest Tory sweep in Canada’s history.
I’ve never been much afraid of dying — scared, at times, yes. But I never expected to reach 80, much less 86!!
Of course, there is the Toronto Sun, which was never as good a newspaper as it could have been, but which was always a fun place to work, with good people who seemed to be forever being replaced by other good people.
The Sun was always pretty tolerant of me and, I must say, I was pretty tolerant of it from time to time. We both served each other’s purpose.
My greatest regret is causing pain or sorrow for those left behind — Yvonne, Casey, Guy and Dani and the grandkids — all of whom made life worthwhile.
I regret, too, the nuisance for them of a funeral which they may hope will be well attended, but which I know won’t be, because I tend to be a loner who treated most people decently, but who never encouraged intimacy.
My reservations are meaningless and will be ignored.
Pity I wasn’t a drinker, then everyone could feel superior and forgive a weakness.

Venezuela: El fin de una era con Globovisión o lo que se puede comprar no se pelea

lo que se puede comprar no se pelea.
-------------------
n24fuenteno 
 
La venta del canal de televisión Globovisión, el único en señal abierta identificado con la oposición en Venezuela, se concretó este lunes con la advertencia de un viraje gradual hacia una línea editorial de "centro".

Leopoldo Castillo, conocido periodista del canal y conductor del programa "Aló ciudadano", dijo que "La Globovisión que conocimos, la Globovisión que vivimos en los últimos 12 años, no es la Globovisión que vamos a vivir. Yo quiero poner las cosas claras, lo demás es engaño", dijo Castillo.

La dirección del canal estaba supuesta a ser compartida por Castillo y por Vladimir Villegas, hermano del ministro de Información, Ernesto Villegas, pero éste último anunció en su cuenta de Twitter que había desistido de la idea "en vista de diferencias que surgieron con la nueva directiva de Globovisión" y porque "no hubo consenso con respecto a propuestas en materia de programación" ni con respecto a sus competencias, explicó.

Globovisión había sido el único canal que transmitía en directo los mensajes, conferencias y mitines de Henrique Capriles, ex candidato presidencial de la opositora Mesa de Unidad Democrática (MUD).  Los medios oficiales del Estado, en cambio, reservan un espacio muy limitado a las declaraciones del líder opositor.

Carlos Zuloaga, el hijo menor de Guillermo Zuloaga, fundador de Globovisión fue el encargado de comunicar el cierre.  "Yo ya tengo lista mi renuncia y la de mi papá, lo que queda es entregarla. Cuando regrese en la tarde (de ayer lunes) las entrego, estaré aquí ayudando esta semana en las reuniones operativas pero no en nómina", aclaró Zuloaga.

Los directivos reunieron a los empleados de Globovisión para informarles que a partir de este martes están bajo una nueva administración.

En una carta leída por su hijo, Guillermo Zuloaga, quien presidió Globovisión durante 18 años, aseguró que la venta del canal le genera "sentimientos encontrados" y afirmó que las negociaciones "han sido impecables" durante el proceso de venta. "Para mantener a Globovisión abierta hace falta más que dinero".

"A nuestra querida audiencia, gracias a su lealtad Globovisión sobrevivió momentos importantes, sigan fieles y críticos a esa pantalla. No me despido porque estaré en contacto", finalizó Zuloaga, quien se exilió en Estados Unidos, luego de que el fallecido presidente Hugo Chávez le amenazara con llevarlo a la cárcel por sus opiniones críticas a su gobierno.

La venta del canal comprende el 80% de las acciones que están en manos de dos familias, mientras que el otro 20% de la televisora fue confiscado por el gobierno hace tres años a su propietario, que sostiene demandas contra el Estado para recuperarlo.

No se ha revelado el monto de la transacción.

martes, mayo 07, 2013

WSJ: Havana in Black and White

By Mary Anastasia O'Grady in The Wall Street Journal:

Havana in Black and White

Dissident Berta Soler takes a big risk by telling the truth about racism and repression in Cuba.

After an 11-hour police interrogation in 2011, Berta Soler, one of the founding members of the Cuban dissident group known as the Ladies in White, was given an ultimatum.

During an interview at the Journal's offices last week, Ms. Soler told me that the ministry of interior official who escorted her home said "Laura [Pollán, another founding member of the group] and I had to leave the country—because without us there would be no Ladies in White." Ms. Soler said she responded by telling the official that "the ones who have to leave are the Castros."

Cubans have been put against a wall and shot for less, but Ms. Soler's courage could not have been news to the regime. For seven years, beginning in 2003, the Ladies, dressed in white from head to toe, had attended Sunday Mass together at St. Rita's Church in Havana and then silently filed through the streets to demand that their political-prisoner relatives be freed.

The group was regularly set upon by Castro agents and clawed, punched and kicked. But they never retreated, even when the regime upped the ante by dragging them onto buses, driving them far from home and dropping them off to find their own way back.

By 2010, cellphone photos of the brutality embarrassed the dictatorship enough internationally that it began deporting the prisoners with their immediate families to Spain. It was classic Castro: For more than a half-century, strong dissident leaders who couldn't be broken have been killed or exiled.

Laura Pollán's husband, Héctor Maseda, and Ms. Soler's husband, Ángel Moya, were among a small number of prisoners of conscience who refused to leave. Eventually Castro paroled them, but the Ladies did not disband. Instead they began to work for the release of all political prisoners and for human rights.

The group was growing in numbers and expanding across the island on that day in 2011 when Ms. Soler was told to get out of Cuba. Seventeen days later, on Oct. 14, 2011, Pollán died mysteriously in a Havana hospital, surrounded by state security agents.

Ms. Soler's friend had reportedly been in good health only weeks earlier when, as she describes it, Castro enforcers attacked Pollán, bit and scratched her arm, and ran a handkerchief over the open wounds. Whether that was a way to introduce something into her bloodstream we may never know. But a week later Pollán came down with chills and vomiting and on Oct. 7 when she was admitted to the hospital, she suffered from shortness of breath.

Ms. Soler claims that Pollán might have been given oxygen but instead was "intubated and doped" and "seven days later we lost Laura." As I reported at the time, there was no autopsy and Pollán's body was quickly cremated.

Raúl Castro may have thought that the Ladies would soon fade away. He thought wrong. Ms. Soler says that the death of her friend and the equally suspicious death of dissident leader Oswaldo Payá in July 2012—supposedly in a car accident in which witnesses did not report a crash—has energized the movement.

Now Ms. Soler is taking advantage of the dictatorship's new travel policy—that for the first time in a half-century allows Cubans to take trips abroad—to ask the international community for "moral and spiritual support" for the Cuban people in their struggle against the dictatorship.

She wants the world to know of Castro's racism. Blacks, she says, are grossly underrepresented in the universities and overrepresented in prisons. "The beggars in Cuba are black, not white. The marginalized are blacks, not whites." She adds: "They tell me 'Negra, what are you doing? You have a lot to thank the revolution for!'"

Repression is on the rise, and in the absence of international condemnation the regime feels free to administer publicly the beatings the Ladies in White endure in order to show who's boss. The regime used to send women only to attack the Ladies but now they send men as well. They punch the Ladies with the clear intent to hurt them. They sometimes break bones.

Ms. Soler says that these attackers "never have been neighbors" spontaneously defending the glorious revolution. They are professionals working for the Interior Ministry or civilians who obey the regime in order to keep their jobs or their place in university classrooms. Ms. Soler says that for the past two years many of "the same faces" have consistently shown up to attack the group. The woman who bit Laura Pollan is well known by the Ladies because she is a regular on the goon squad and works for the ministry.

It is chilling to think what might happen to the politically incorrect Ms. Soler when she returns to Cuba, which is what makes her trip to Rome this week so crucial. She has asked to see Pope Francis. If he agrees, the visit might protect her. Without it, and in the absence of other influential international voices coming to her defense, her fate is less certain.

jueves, mayo 02, 2013

Freedom House: Cuba, lo peor de lo peor en libertad de prensa

Cuba, Honduras, México, Venezuela, Paraguay y Ecuador son los países de América Latina sin prensa libre, según el informe anual sobre libertad de expresión elaborado por Freedom House, reporta AP.
La organización defensora de la libertad de prensa, con sede en Washington, estimó que apenas el 1% de la población latinoamericana vivió durante 2012 en sociedades que no restringen a los medios de comunicación privados. Incluyó en esa lista a 15 países del Hemisferio Occidental, pero solo aparecen Costa Rica y Uruguay entre los hispanoparlantes.
"La libertad de prensa sigue siendo extremadamente restringida en Cuba, país que tiene uno de los entornos más represivos en todo el mundo", señaló Freedom House.
Cuba ocupa el lugar 191, en una lista de 196 países.
Estados Unidos está entre las naciones con prensa libre, pero el informe no hace mención alguna del estado de los medios en español en ese país.
Karin Karlekar, directora de Freedom House a cargo de las Américas, dijo a AP que la zona "sufrió un declive en su desempeño por quinto año consecutivo, y es una de las regiones del planeta con mayor declive. La tendencia continúa siendo más negativa que positiva".
El informe, que evaluó el desempeño de 197 países durante 2012, señaló que desde 1989 no ascendía a seis la cantidad de países sin prensa libre en América Latina, que como región obtuvo una puntuación de 49,5.
Freedom House asigna a cada país una puntuación entre 100 (mayores restricciones a la prensa) y 0 (libertad absoluta de prensa), durante una evaluación al entorno legal en que operan los medios de comunicación, la influencia política sobre el acceso a la información y las presiones económicas sobre el contenido y la difusión de noticias.
El documento ubicó esta vez a Paraguay entre los países sin prensa libre, debido a los despidos de 27 periodistas de la televisión pública tras la destitución del presidente Fernando Lugo.
Freedom House explicó que agregó a Ecuador entre los países sin prensa libre, debido al impacto que una ley promulgada en 2011 tuvo sobre la cobertura previa a las elecciones presidenciales de febrero pasado, y a la orden del presidente Rafael Correa de retirar publicidad gubernamental de medios privados críticos con su gestión.
El documento señaló que las elecciones presidenciales celebradas en octubre en Venezuela demostraron que una igualdad en la competencia electoral "es imposible cuando el gobierno puede usar su control sobre los medios electrónicos para dirigir la cobertura, y en definitiva los votos, a su favor".
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Retratos de fusilados por el Castrismo - Juan Abreu

"Hablame"

"EN TIEMPOS DIFÍCILES" - Heberto Padilla

A aquel hombre le pidieron su tiempo

para que lo juntara al tiempo de la Historia.

Le pidieron las manos,

porque para una época difícil

nada hay mejor que un par de buenas manos.

Le pidieron los ojos

que alguna vez tuvieron lágrimas

para que contemplara el lado claro

(especialmente el lado claro de la vida)

porque para el horror basta un ojo de asombro.

Le pidieron sus labios

resecos y cuarteados para afirmar,

para erigir, con cada afirmación, un sueño

(el-alto-sueño);

le pidieron las piernas

duras y nudosas

(sus viejas piernas andariegas),

porque en tiempos difíciles

¿algo hay mejor que un par de piernas

para la construcción o la trinchera?

Le pidieron el bosque que lo nutrió de niño,

con su árbol obediente.

Le pidieron el pecho, el corazón, los hombros.

Le dijeron

que eso era estrictamente necesario.

Le explicaron después

que toda esta donación resultaria inútil.

sin entregar la lengua,

porque en tiempos difíciles

nada es tan útil para atajar el odio o la mentira.

Y finalmente le rogaron

que, por favor, echase a andar,

porque en tiempos difíciles

esta es, sin duda, la prueba decisiva.

Etiquetas

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La columna de Cubanalisis

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]

NEOCASTRISMO [Hacer click en la imagen]
¨Saturno jugando con sus hijos¨/ Pedro Pablo Oliva

Seguidores

Carta desde la carcel de Fidel Castro Ruz

“…después de todo, para mí la cárcel es un buen descanso, que sólo tiene de malo el que es obligatorio. Leo mucho y estudio mucho. Parece increíble, las horas pasan como si fuesen minutos y yo, que soy de temperamento intranquilo, me paso el día leyendo, apenas sin moverme para nada. La correspondencia llega normalmente…”

“…Como soy cocinero, de vez en cuando me entretengo preparando algún pisto. Hace poco me mandó mi hermana desde Oriente un pequeño jamón y preparé un bisté con jalea de guayaba. También preparo spaghettis de vez en cuando, de distintas formas, inventadas todas por mí; o bien tortilla de queso. ¡Ah! ¡Qué bien me quedan! por supuesto, que el repertorio no se queda ahí. Cuelo también café que me queda muy sabroso”.
“…En cuanto a fumar, en estos días pasados he estado rico: una caja de tabacos H. Upman del doctor Miró Cardona, dos cajas muy buenas de mi hermano Ramón….”.
“Me voy a cenar: spaghettis con calamares, bombones italianos de postre, café acabadito de colar y después un H. Upman #4. ¿No me envidias?”.
“…Me cuidan, me cuidan un poquito entre todos. No le hacen caso a uno, siempre estoy peleando para que no me manden nada. Cuando cojo el sol por la mañana en shorts y siento el aire de mar, me parece que estoy en una playa… ¡Me van a hacer creer que estoy de vacaciones! ¿Qué diría Carlos Marx de semejantes revolucionarios?”.

Quotes

¨La patria es dicha de todos, y dolor de todos, y cielo para todos, y no feudo ni capellaní­a de nadie¨ - Marti

"No temas ni a la prision, ni a la pobreza, ni a la muerte. Teme al miedo"
-
Giacomo Leopardi

¨Por eso es muy importante, Vicky, hijo mío, que recuerdes siempre para qué sirve la cabeza: para atravesar paredes¨Halvar de Flake [El vikingo]

"Como no me he preocupado de nacer, no me preocupo de morir" - Lorca

"Al final, no os preguntarán qué habéis sabido, sino qué habéis hecho" - Jean de Gerson

"Si queremos que todo siga como está, es necesario que todo cambie" - Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa

"Todo hombre paga su grandeza con muchas pequeñeces, su victoria con muchas derrotas, su riqueza con múltiples quiebras" - Giovanni Papini


"Life is what happens while you are busy making other plans" - John Lennon

"Habla bajo, lleva siempre un gran palo y llegarás lejos" - Proverbio Africano

"No hay medicina para el miedo" - Proverbio escoces

"El supremo arte de la guerra es doblegar al enemigo sin luchar"
- Sun Tzu

"You do not really understand something unless you can explain it to your grandmother" - Albert Einstein

"It is inaccurate to say I hate everything. I am strongly in favor of common sense, common honesty, and common decency. This makes me forever ineligible for public office" - H. L. Menken

"I swore never to be silent whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation. We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented" - Elie Wiesel

"Stay hungry, stay foolish" -
Steve Jobs

"If you put the federal government in charge of the Sahara Desert , in five years ther'ed be a shortage of sand" - Milton Friedman

"The tragedy of modern man is not that he knows less and less about the meaning of his own life, but that it bothers him less and less" - Vaclav Havel

"No se puede controlar el resultado, pero si lo que uno haga para alcanzarlo" -
Vitor Belfort [MMA Fighter]

Liborio

Liborio
A la puerta de la gloria está San Pedro sentado y ve llegar a su lado a un hombre de cierta historia. No consigue hacer memoria y le pregunta con celo: ¿Quién eras allá en el suelo? Era Liborio mi nombre. Has sufrido mucho, hombre, entra, te has ganado el cielo.

Para Raul Castro

Cuba ocupa el penultimo lugar en el mundo en libertad economica solo superada por Corea del Norte.

Cuba ocupa el lugar 147 entre 153 paises evaluados en "Democracia, Mercado y Transparencia 2007"

Cuando vinieron

Cuando vinieron a buscar a los comunistas, Callé: yo no soy comunista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los sindicalistas, Callé: yo no soy sindicalista.
Cuando vinieron a buscar a los judíos, Callé: yo no soy judío. Cuando vinieron a buscar a los católicos, Callé: yo no soy “tan católico”.
Cuando vinieron a buscarme a mí, Callé: no había quien me escuchara.

Reverendo Martin Niemöller

Martha Colmenares

Martha Colmenares
Un sitio donde los hechos y sus huellas nos conmueven o cautivan
Bloggers Unite

CUBA LLORA Y EL MUNDO Y NOSOTROS NO ESCUCHAMOS

Donde esta el Mundo, donde los Democratas, donde los Liberales? El pueblo de Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan los Green, los Socialdemocratas, los Ricos y los Pobres, los Con Voz y Sin Voz? Cuba llora y nadie escucha.
Donde estan el Jet Set, los Reyes y Principes, Patricios y Plebeyos? Cuba desesperada clama por solidaridad.
Donde Bob Dylan, donde Martin Luther King, donde Hollywood y sus estrellas? Donde la Middle Class democrata y conservadora, o acaso tambien liberal a ratos? Y Gandhi? Y el Dios de Todos?
Donde los Santos y Virgenes; los Dioses de Cristianos, Protestantes, Musulmanes, Budistas, Testigos de Jehova y Adventistas del Septimo Dia. Donde estan Ochun y todas las deidades del Panteon Yoruba que no acuden a nuestro llanto? Donde Juan Pablo II que no exige mas que Cuba se abra al Mundo y que el Mundo se abra a Cuba?
Que hacen ahora mismo Alberto de Monaco y el Principe Felipe que no los escuchamos? Donde Madonna, donde Angelina Jolie y sus adoptados around de world; o nos hara falta un Brando erguido en un Oscar por Cuba? Donde Sean Penn?
Donde esta la Aristocracia Obrera y los Obreros menos Aristocraticos, donde los Working Class que no estan junto a un pueblo que lanquidece, sufre y llora por la ignominia?
Que hacen ahora mismo Zapatero y Rajoy que no los escuchamos, y Harper y Dion, e Hillary y Obama; donde McCain que no los escuchamos? Y los muertos? Y los que estan muriendo? Y los que van a morir? Y los que se lanzan desesperados al mar?
Donde estan el minero cantabrico o el pescador de percebes gijonese? Los Canarios donde estan? A los africanos no los oimos, y a los australianos con su acento de hombres duros tampoco. Y aquellos chinos milenarios de Canton que fundaron raices eternas en la Isla? Y que de la Queen Elizabeth y los Lords y Gentlemen? Que hace ahora mismo el combativo Principe Harry que no lo escuchamos?
Donde los Rockefellers? Donde los Duponts? Donde Kate Moss? Donde el Presidente de la ONU? Y Solana donde esta? Y los Generales y Doctores? Y los Lam y los Fabelo, y los Sivio y los Fito Paez?
Y que de Canseco y Miñoso? Y de los veteranos de Bahia de Cochinos y de los balseros y de los recien llegados? Y Carlos Otero y Susana Perez? Y el Bola, y Pancho Cespedes? Y YO y TU?
Y todos nosotros que estamos aqui y alla rumiando frustaciones y resquemores, envidias y sinsabores; autoelogios y nostalgias, en tanto Louis Michel comulga con Perez Roque mientras Biscet y una NACION lanquidecen?
Donde Maceo, donde Marti; donde aquel Villena con su carga para matar bribones?
Cuba llora y clama y el Mundo NO ESCUCHA!!!

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